are often attacked and abused, and the learned baronet has been profuse in his denunciations of them. But precedents gene

rally, and I will say the Parliamentary precedents always, embalm principles (hear); and I am myself convinced that if we remove far from the line which Parliamentary precedents indicate to us for our guidance and the conduct of our business, we shall soon repent our rashness. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord the member for the county of Westmeath (Lord R. Montagu) sent me a pamphlet the other day, which I have read with much interest-as I read everything that comes from his animated pen. It was a vindication of Infallibility. (A laugh.) In what quarter that infallibility is exercised it is unnecessary for me to touch upon, but to-night my noble friend is the champion of the infallibility of the House of Commons. That is a principle which, to my mind, is certainly not orthodox. I have sat in this House as long as most men now in it, and I am deeply interested in its honour and reputation. But I have ever opposed any proposal that this House should assert its authority independently of the other estates of the realm. The proposal before us, however, essentially aims at such a consequence. My hon. friend who made this motion will do well to consider what course he will adopt if he succeeds. If he carries it, he cannot terminate his connection with the borough of Stroud. He will by the success of his motion appoint himself the guardian of the honour and interests of the borough. He must be perpetually bringing the subject before the House. It will be for him when he has made due inquiry to tell us when he thinks that the borough of Stroud has returned to that order of mind at which we must entrust to it the noblest franchise of Englishmen. He must keep us au courant with the affairs of Stroud by issuing a series of bulletins. (A laugh.) He has no ulterior object, and if his proposition succeeds he holds out no promise or prospect of future arrangement. My hon. friend will find great difficulty in the course he has pursued if he wishes to punish the electors of Stroud. cannot, if he succeeds in his motion, call upon the other authorities of the Legislature to combine with the House of Commons in carrying any measure on the subject. He cuts himself off from any constitutional course becoming the occasion by the line he is pursuing. My hon. friend will do well to consider these difficulties before he calls upon the House to come to a vote upon this question. The times may come, and they have

He

been alluded to to-night, when the spirit of the House of Commons may be very different from what it is at present. I can remember myself some periods when I have been a member of this House, and when the existence of the Government depended upon a single vote-when the country was inflamed on subjects which were peculiarly adapted to excite the passions of a free people, and when some things were done and some things were certainly proposed which those who had any connexion with them may look back upon with regret. What was it the House of Commons did at that time? Did it take a course which might produce Parliamentary anarchy and inflict great injury on the country generally? Why, it was respectful to musty old precedents, which the hon. baronet holds up to humorous scorn to-night. Though he sneers at gentlemen of the long robe, there were then in the House, on both sides, lawyers who never were equalled, probably, at any period of our Parliamentary history for their learning and their independence, and experienced statesmen on both sides who agreed that they would adhere to precedent and would be guided by the experience of their predecessors. I trust the House will not allow itself to deviate into a path so dangerous and difficult as the one that has been indicated and which we have been recommended to pursue to-night. I am sure if we do we shall open up a scene of confusion which will not easily end, and no question of a contest will ever come before the House without some proposition being made so unconstitutional in its character that the result must be the degradation of the authority of Parliament and the reduction of all our powers to make ourselves useful to the country. (Cheers.) "-The Times, February 10th, 1875.