CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION.

As a royal province in the British empire in the eighteenth century, New York well illustrates the duality of political existence characteristic of such a community. It was, on the one hand, a province with its own local interests to be respected and developed, its peculiar history, and its own local consciousness of these as features of identity. It was, equally, on the other hand, a part of the British empire, with its share of the benefits and burdens attaching to that relation. The ideal of empire, probably only vaguely before the mind of the British government at that time, provided for co-operation and interaction between these two aspects of provincial existence, which, while always emphasizing imperial welfare, yet sought to achieve that welfare by development of the peculiar situation of the province. For example, provincial policy in the matter of Indian relations illustrates with peculiar felicity this duality of existence. Upon maintenance of the friendly relations with the Iroquois, inherited from the Dutch, depended, not alone the fur-trade, but the very existence of the province. Experience developed the fact that, owing to the peculiar position of the Five Nations among the native races of the continent, this Iroquois alliance was the key to the Indian policy of all the continental English communities taken together. Successful administration of this problem required recognition of both local and general aspects and the elaboration of a line of conduct which should make the two aspects serve each other.

It was the unique task of the governor of such a province to blend, in his actual conduct of public affairs, these two aspects of provincial existence. In theory, he was the governmental head of the community, and, at the same time, the crown's agent in this particular unit of the administrative system of a general imperial policy. In theory, also, the organization of the legislature provided simply for assistance to the governor in the execution of his dual function by representatives of the community at large. Actually, however, as described in Chapter II., the organization and relations of the executive official system

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made it far more easily and characteristically the exponent of the policy of the imperial government than of the local interests of the province. Similarly, the legislature became, in practice, the exponent of local-provincial feeling and policy, rather than of any attempt to embody this with general imperial interest in the conduct of public affairs.

It is obvious that the realization of the ideal of co-operation and supplementation of these two aspects of provincial existence would be difficult. As in the case of the Holy Roman Empire successful working required mutual confidence on the part of the two elements, which was seldom realized; so, in this case, the relation between executive and legislature was seldom for any long period one of mutual understanding and intelligent cooperation. There were certain circumstances in particular, acting as obstructions in the path of the realization of the ideal, which may be mentioned. The imperial administration, on the one hand, awkward and lumbering under the best of circumstances, failed to exercise the requisite care in the delicate matter of appointment to the governorship. Court influences resulted in the appointment of adventurers like Fletcher and Cornbury. Even when pains were taken to select a man on the basis of the particular needs of the situation from the government point of view, the result might not be the choice of a man with the right sort of skill. This was true in the case of the Bellomont appointment. Even in the case of what was, in its results, the nearest to an ideal appointment - that of Hunter-efficient support from home could not be relied upon by the appointee. Circumstances of local character in the province, on the other hand, were equally an obstruction to the attainment of the ideal. In the first place, the heat of factious passion, coming over from the Leisler affair, caused popular attention and interest to center more on measures bringing triumph to one or other of the local factions than on issues of truly public policy. Then, too, outside the realm of Leislerian or Anti-Leislerian politics, the men of leading calibre were, as a class, characterized more by selfish ambition for the interests of a group of local magnates and their dependents, than by intelligent appreciation of the true relations of local-provincial and general-imperial interests.

The actual interworking of all these features, during the first twenty years after 1691, was such that we may say that

during all this time there was no effective opportunity for the realization of the possibilities contained in the theory of the Royal Province. Not until experience had brought the province. through a period of developing education, and fortune had brought to the governorship a man having both an intelligent conception of the ideal, and-what was equally important-the personal temperament and political skill capable of making an impression on the actual conduct of affairs, was a sound basis of political development reached.

The four months of Sloughter's administration served merely to commit the newly established government to the policy of persecuting the leaders of the Leislerian regime. Whatever may be the degree of truth in Smith's violently hostile characterization of Sloughter, he certainly was not a person of the strength of character required to settle the government in a community torn. with faction as was New York. Ingoldsby's administration of fourteen months was, in main outline, a continuation of the regime inaugurated under Sloughter's auspices by those who had played the part of victims during Leisler's rule. Ingoldsby's administration illustrated the characteristics of periods happening with unfortunate frequency during New York's early existence as a royal province, viz., the intervals between the death, removal or long absence of a governor, and his return or the arrival of the next incumbent. Under such circumstances, there was likely to be either a suspension of the more active and aggressive features of provincial development, with surreptitious exploitation of opportunities for private gain, such as corrupt dealings in land grants, or a violent use of governmental machinery, made unscrupulous by a consciousness of desperation such as is illustrated in the last weeks of Nanfan's power. Ingoldsby's term, in 1691-1692, illustrates the former group of activ ities, which served almost as well as the other type of proceedings to hinder the normal development of the possibilities of interaction between the two aspects of provincial existence.

The administration of Fletcher, from 1692 to 1698, did little to improve the situation. Important elements of the imperial system were perverted for corrupt purposes. The system of connivance at violations of the imperial trade system enriched a few New Yorkers at the expense of the ideal of the empire. Extravagant grants of land to a few favorites endangered Indian

relations and retarded the development and peopling of the province for many years to come. The circumstances of war on the frontiers necessitated activity in those departments of the imperial and provincial systems which bore on military matters, but the actual conduct of these affairs did little to promote the spirit of co-operation. Fletcher's conduct of hostilities was energetic, but unskilful and wasteful. The heavy burdens of taxation and detachments of militia for frontier service were not rendered lighter by the conviction on the part of many that the governor's arrogance and lack of tact were responsible for the disobedience of the neighboring provinces to the direction from England that they should be aiding and assisting to New York. The home. government itself was hard pressed and could render little effective aid. Then, Fletcher's attitude in matters of local partisanship was practically a continuation of the Anti-Leislerian course. pursued by the government since Sloughter's arrival. This complicated the relations between governor and assembly in the matter of raising supplies for military purposes. Altogether, these were not favorable circumstances for the development of the ideal of co-operation between the local and imperial aspects of provincial life.

Bellomont's arrival inaugurated a veritable revolution in the course of affairs. He threw himself vigorously into the task of the suppression of piracy, in so far as New York was concerned therewith. He put into practice, as it was intended to be used, the system of penalties for violations of the acts of trade and navigation. In other words, the imperial trade system, with all the machinery that that involved, began to have effective operation in New York for the first time. Bellomont was very active in attempts at development of the positive aspect of the imperial trade system, and expended much energy in devising ways and means for inaugurating the naval stores policy in New York. It was impossible for him to develop the crown's landed estate on account of Fletcher's misconduct, but all his efforts went towards correcting and undoing as far as possible that official's mischief. But in all this, as in other matters, the complication of local partisan politics exercised a baleful influence. Fletcher and Cornbury went through the motions of a zeal for the empire, which, practically, as events worked out, meant a zeal for the personal welfare of themselves and a