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er distinguished themselves as a German nation. In less n this period of a thousand years, England has become the tress of the seas; France has been, again and again, master Europe; and Hungary, Poland, Spain, and Turkey have each de themselves a place in history. All these have had, in ir day, an idea, an enthusiasm; but the German people as have had none.

"There are but two nations now, in the civilized world, which y be said to have an idea. The mission of England, which that of colonization, is nearly over; for that empire, which w by commerce with her dependencies, has visibly passed zenith of her power. France, in like manner, is waning; the idea of military glory is effete. Wars, indeed, will prebut they will rage to secure an end, and not, as with most nch wars, merely for the sake of war. Italy, Spain, and -key have, long ago, fulfilled their destiny, and now exist ely as dead forms, and not as living vitalities. All those vers, not even excluding France, have made no progress for entury: and this would be additional proof, if more was rered, to show that they have passed their prime. But there an empire, even in Europe, which prospers. Russia has bled itself in the last hundred years, and promises to increase much in the hundred to come. For Russia is possessed with idea. In the New World, our own republic thrives even re vigorously than Russia in the Old: for the United States, has its idea. And these two empires-in Europe, Russia; America, the United States-are destined, in the future, to de the glories of history.

The idea of Russia is that of modernized despotism; the idea the United States is federative republicanism. The great blem to be solved, in succeeding centuries, is which shall vail. Both nations are civilized; both are comparatively _ng; both are full of enthusiasm and confidence in themselves. elligent Russians believe as firmly that they are to conduct rope to a higher development, as the citizens of this republic Leve in the superiority of a free government and in the final ension of liberal principles over the globe. Both cannot be

to hold that absolutism may reign paramount in le republicanism controls the Western Hemisphere. nistic ideas cannot thus geographically divide the say that a man may think freely on one side of the tmust cease to think on the other side-and that things is to continue through a whole cycle of the ry—is to assert an impossibility. Printing presses, he growth of political knowledge will not allow of urdity. It is a question of mind, not of armies. vidently is it so that the battle will be fought in wspapers, in the rostrum, long before it will come -ation of cannon, as come it will in the end. The

ght, in truth, has already begun. The letter of Hulseman is the first gun in this campaign. CenDass before the last is fired.

oubt the result of this conflict? Not for a moment. s we believe that Russia is destined to become, if lready, the dictator of Europe, so firmly do we be

time, the United States will dictate even to her. Ome great purpose that the hand of Providence was exhibited in the settlement of these shores and the

this republic; and that purpose we hold to be the n of liberal principles, and the extension of that political science, federative republicanism. We begress. We have no faith in the dotards who tell us Id has seen its best days; who sneer at the mighty f the past century; who trace a thousand evils to hought; and who recommend to us a return to the n of government in politics as in religion. We reidea that men, who have once tasted of freedom, can slavery. We cannot be persuaded that our descendhemisphere, will ever voluntarily give up self; and we know that no empire, or even coalition of compel them to resign it unwillingly. Instead of e Old World, the Old World must imitate us. refore, that, in this great struggle, the cause of freeprevail, and that Russia, the exponent of modern will perish, as the old French monarchy, the reprefeudal despotism, perished seventy years ago.

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n her acknowledgments of the stability and purity of our ernment, and the dignity and strength of our Union.

The Americans carried with them, across the ocean, not only forms of good government, but the principles of good citiship. They never built upon political theories, or effected change except upon sound reasons and by sober means. ey did not substitute a republic for a monarchy in deference ny imaginary code of rights antecedent to recorded laws, but en, in pursuance of settled convictions, they had reluctantly ounced an allegiance, they made the best provisions in their ver for administering the government themselves. Little changed beyond the form of the executive. They devised new relations between man and man, nor did they deem mselves competent to recast the frame of civil society. They ined every institution and practice which could be accomlated to a Congress instead of a king. Far from extempong new laws, they preserved, in their reverence, even the t desirable attributes of the old, and have only just now rmed their system of procedure, when we, their elder thren, are confessing a like necessity and acknowledging the dness of their example. These were the principles which served them. Amid a variety of temptations, apparently nite when viewed from this side of the Atlantic, but perhaps serious when more closely contemplated, they have always nowledged that private opinions must yield to the recorded of society at large, and that no community can maintain a tical existence where every citizen claims the right of proing by violence his own speculative conceits.

The thirteen States of the Union have already become three thirty, if not more, for they increase as we write, and there pace and verge enough for converting the number into a hun1. It is beyond all human power to calculate the prospects a government to which one continent supplies territory and ther population. What California is to America, America the whole world. No example has ever yet been seen of such ighty and interminable conflux of people. Ireland alone plies yearly to this extraordinary State the population of a E class city. San Francisco has increased more in two years

erful process the system of the Union appears to absimilate to its constitution these various and conflictts."

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FANATICS AND FACTIONS.

cal meetings-Squads-Cabals-Impotence of-Slavery-Free soilctions-Election of General Taylor-Precedents-Law of majority— al of the queen-The Union-Finale.

HE ignorant and exploded notion that the safety and the als of the people are endangered by numerous gatherings e elections has been for more than fifty years shown in the ed States to be an entire mistake.

the demagogues and leaders of factions did not, by music banners, occasionally collect the giddy and the idle, the ions would come off with little show, except the immense quiet throngs pressing with firm and steady tread to the of suffrage.

own meetings are not much encouraged; and the elections now conducted with appropriate decorum.

here is no fear of the influence of foreigners; they are med by our institutions. Let them fly here by thousands. n them and ourselves there come up at every national more than half a million of native born voters, with whom ything in politics but republican freedom and religious Fation is abhorred and despised.

his fresh race of proud and educated American noblemen just now cast off the odious incubus of party policy, and ncidental questions of local or minor movement have been en from the great platform of national action.

hey have proclaimed abroad to all men that the fundatal elements of their compact shall not be disturbed by rants for power. That designing demagogues and crafty anthropists shall not be suffered to engraft their heresies a the great magna charta of American liberty. That they not suffer one lash from the scourge of faction or party pline, and that the purifying machinery of their elections blow to oblivion all the sophistries and profanities of poal gamesters and scolding fanatics.

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