contest. They really became disciplined and well-trained. soldiers, before the conclusion of the war. The assistance given by France, contributed much to their aid, and no doubt brought the war to a speedier close, than would have otherwise terminated it. The sparseness of the population and the difficulty of keeping the country in subordination, even after the king's armies had gone through it, show how difficult it is to subdue a people, who are accustomed to roam the land without restraint.

Our author contends, that there is little difference between one man and another, and that culture and training make the distinction, as the reader may learn by consulting the fourth lecture. He refers to several struggles of importance, bearing upon this point, and maintains that this difference is to be traced to accidental and temporary causes; because he thinks that were it otherwise, national virtue would be subjected to too great a temptation, and might swerve from the strict law of rectitude. This is rather a novel topic and should receive much more attention, than, so far as we are aware, has been bestowed upon it. We recommend it to the attention of the careful student of history.

The laws of war, by which the conduct of armies is to be regulated, also deserve attention. In the wars of ancient times, these struggles were nothing more than expedtions for plunder. What was the object of the famous Argonautic expedition? Under the guise of being an expedition for the recovery of a golden fleece, its real object was little else than plunder on the fertile shores of Colchis; and this, we believe, is the conclusion to which the learned antiquaries, who have investigated the subject, have arrived. Belligerent armies are the proper objects of war, and not the citizens who are engaged in the pursuits of agriculture. If this be once settled as the rule of war, then the calamities and terrors of war are mainly dissipated. Under such a state of things, the rights of the people, even in an invaded territory, will be regarded-and their property respected, and held sacred and inviolable. War is, or ought never to be made, upon defenceless subjects, and their property-its legitimate object is, to compel a nation, that has done a wrong, to repair that injury, and it can be justified upon no other principle. Connected with this portion of our subject, arises the question of sacking a besieged or blockaded city. Nothing can more grossly violate and shock all the proprie

ties, decencies and rights of life and social feeling, than to turn an infuriated soldiery, incensed by long and brave resistance, upon helpless inhabitants, weakened and worn down by fatigue and incessant struggle. How deep the reproach upon the proud escutcheon of England is that motto, "Beauty and Booty," which fired her soldiers when they attacked New-Orleans! It is to be hoped that such another incentive is never to be placed before civilized and enlightened soldiers. Reference is made also to the importance of amending the laws in relation to towns that are in a state of blockade. The siege of Genoa, in 1799, is described in plain and simple, yet eloquent language, by our author, so as to bring vividly before the mind the extreme suffering and excruciating tortures of the citizens, and of the French army enclosed within its walls. Our, author then puts the question in this way.

"Now is it right that such a tragedy as this should take place, and that the laws of war should be supposed to justify the authors of it? Conceive having been a naval officer in Lord Keith's squadron at that time, and being employed in stopping the food which was being brought for the relief of such misery. For the thing was done delib erately the helplessness of the Genoese was known, their distress was known: it was known that they could not force Massena to surrender it was known that they were dying daily by hundreds: yet week after week, and month after month, did British ships of war keep their iron watch along all the coast; no vessel nor boat laden with any article of provision could escape their vigilance." Page 197.

No one can read the extract without coming to the conclusion, that one or both parties were guilty of crime-of deep crime. Twenty thousand persons, it is supposed, perished by famine. Who were guilty of this horrible enormity? Were the besiegers acting according to the laws of war? Such laws, tolerating such horrible atrocities, ought to be amended; and amended too in such a way, that their observance would be secured. Instances have occurred in this western world, which have shocked the feelings of humanity; and in the moment of excitement, vengeance was invoked upon the perpetrators of such horrors. Witness the massacre of Fanning's corps in Texas! Such atrocities are disgraceful to any civilized people,-and Santa Anna has never been able, nor will he ever be able, to justify his reckless disregard of plighted faith on that occasion.

The fifth Lecture commences the investigation of a subject of importance-what is the true view of internal history;

for as history which is external, gives the account of events that have actually occurred, so history, which is internal, unfolds the principles and movements which gave birth to those outward acts. Dr. Arnold divides the last three centuries, beginning at the year 1500, into two periods,-"the first, extending to the middle of the seventeenth century— and the second, from 1650 or 1660 to nearly our own times." Now suppose that the struggle in Europe, during all this period, has been a political one-and various important questions are at once presented for discussion. That of the ascendancy of the many or the few, is the political question which presents itself, as of grand and paramount importance, involving the whole structure of government, connected with that other question of equal importance, by what right do those who govern, exercise that control? and what are the rights of the governed? It is obvious, that the conclusions of inquirers will be different, according to the point of view from which they may examine these questions. We recommend the remarks of our author on this subject to the student of history, for though he may not altogether agree with them, he will yet perceive that much may be said in in favor of those views which he may be disposed to condemn. They, who are afraid to trust the people with the power of choosing those who are to make and execute the laws by which they are to be governed, will find ample and sufficient reasons for all the apprehensions they may entertain, in the very course of reasoning upon the facts which our author has presented. The grand principle upon which all government rests, is its absolute necessity, made so by the very constitution of our nature, and must ultimately be resolved into the will of God. To this complexion we must come at last; for as we believe that there does exist a moral governor of the world, we know also that we were created with moral natures adapted to the circumstances in which we were placed-and from these very facts, which are ultimate ones, is to be traced the absolute necessity of government.

During this period, we perceive other questions of equally great importance with the political, rising to view, which, have indeed changed the face of the moral world; those namely of a religious character. The religious sects that then arose may be divided into three classes. The first class sustained a system of church government. Though they

differed on many points, they all agreed in this,-opposition to the power of the Pope, and the assertion of national independence in ecclesiastical and spiritual affairs. Upon this principle, as we understand it, the church of England stands. The second class may be comprehended under the term Puritan. The followers of this system rejected Episcopacy, believing that they found no warrant in the Scriptures for such a form of church government; and they adopted that principle which leads, as we believe, to congregationalism, viz:-that each body of believers has the right, as composing a portion of the mystical body of Christ, to establish such rules for the regulation of their conduct as they may deem fit and proper. This is carrying the principle of religious freedom to the utmost possible extent. It may be found very fully unfolded in Archbishop Whateley's "Kingdom of Christ delineated." The third class embraces that large body of Christians who still adhere to the ceremonies and institutions of the venerable Church of Rome.

It is interesting to inquire into the effects produced upon the human mind by that mighty revolution in religion,the Reformation, during the sixteenth century. The very foundations of civil government and of society have, in consequence, been probed to the bottom: the evidences of Christianity have been examined and scrutinized with a keenness and tact and skill, to which no institution has ever been subjected-and even at this time, the pillars of the temple are shaken by some who go to worship in its shrine. One who is styled a "Minister of the Church," has published his "Discourse of Religion" which we believe is nothing more than a reiteration of the opinions of the celebrated Strauss of Germany. When such things are transpiring, it behooves the wise and the good to penetrate history to its very core, and draw thence materials and weapons for the defence of all that is good and true. Strong men and valiant, must buckle on their armour, and go forth to meet the enemy. Giants are at work; but a David with a smooth stone from the brook will prevail in this contest.

An analysis of the philosophy of English history from the time of Queen Elizabeth down through the reign of George the Third, is given, commencing in the latter part of the fifth, and continued through the sixth and seventh Lectures. We shall not pretend to give an analysis of our author's

views on this subject, but we commend them to the student of history not only the young man, who is preparing himself for usefulness in after life-but the man of mature mind and well cultivated intellect, is essentially benefitted by the careful perusal and study of these Lectures in particular. They embrace a period of great interest in modern history. The struggles of the people against the excesses of the royal prerogative, which succeeded the accession of the Stuart family to the throne of England, -the sacrifice of the Earl of Strafford, the favorite of the first Charles, notwithstanding all the efforts of the King to save his life, were but the beginning of that contest which arrayed the parliament against the sovereign, and brought on one of the bloodiest and fiercest wars which is recorded on the page of history, which finally terminated in the death of Charles by the hand of the public executioner. The establishment of the commonwealth, and the ascendancy of that remarkable man, Cromwell, followed, who raised England to a height of glory and of respect, to which even now in the very pride and pomp of all her power, she can scarce aspire. The commonwealth terminated, after the Protector ceased to hold the reins of empire; and the weakness and timidity of his successor, induced the kingdom to recall from exile the son of the monarch who had been decapitated. Luxury, vice, effeminacy prevailed at court during the reign of Charles II. Discontent grew up in the minds of the people, and that discontent rose to such a height as to compel James II. to abdicate the throne. Then the act of settlement was passed and the Protestant ascendancy was established. No adherent of the Church of Rome, as long as that act of settlement remains, as it is one of the fundamental principles of the realm, can ever ascend the throne of Great Britain. After this, follow wars to confirm the Protestant succession,-to restrain the ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. amongst the powers of Europe,-to preserve the balance of power, and to assert the authority of England over her colonies in North America, which caused the dismemberment of her empire. All these things are a portion of the history of the times, embraced in the last three Lectures referred to above. Hence may be seen, what a wide field is here presented for investigation, thought and reflection. It would lead us too far from our object, to enter into the many sub