intended to close with us on the Orders triumph. I really never did suppose that in Council, she had evidently reviewed we should be conquered. It never enthat intention, and had come to a de- tered into my mind that we should be liberate determination to go to war with compelled to seek for such a consolation. us unless we should likewise make every It never entered into my mind that the other concession that she demanded. mighty naval power of England would be It was evident, then, that the revoca- allowed to sleep while our commerce was tion of the Orders in Council alone could swept from the surface of the Atlantic; not restore peace; and therefore, Sir, and that at the end of six months war it until I obtain better information than that would be proclaimed in a speech from the of which I am at present possessed, I must throne, that the time was now at length continue to think that, war having been come, when the long-withheld thunder of declared by America, all that remained to Britain must be launched against an imthis country was, to determine how the placable foe, and the fulness of her power war could best be carried on. The best at length drawn forth. It never entered way to carry on any war is the way that into my mind that we should send a will lead soonest to peace; it is by vigour, fleet to take rest and shelter in our own not by forbearance and hesitation; it is ports in North America, and that we by exertions calculated to make an enemy should then attack the American ports feel and dread our power; that such an with a flag of truce. enemy as America, an enemy making a war of experiment, of experiment on her own force, and on your patience, would be soonest, and most effectually brought to reason. Sir, I would go to the extreme verge of concession to preserve peace; but when the preservation of peace becomes hopeless, I would not dilute my measures of hostility, I would not by a series of maukish palliatives, convert war, which is naturally an acute distemper, into a chronical one; and incorporate it with the habitual system of the country.

This war with America, which a prompt exertion might presently have subdued and swept away, has been nursed up by this petty policy, until it is probably fastened upon us for a considerable period. I will ask any man, whether, if two years ago, in the contemplation of a war with the United States of America, it had been prophesied to him, that after six months of hostilities, the only maritime trophies gained in the contest would be on the side of the United States, and our only consolation that we had not been conquered by land, he would not have treated such a prediction as an insult to the might, the grandeur, and the character of this country? It is true, Sir, we have not been Conquered by land. I am sure, I am disposed to pay my tribute of admiration to our gallant troops in Canada, and my tribute of regret to their heroic leader, with as much sincerity of feeling as any man; for individual heroism and selfdevotion, under any circumstances, are glorious; but really, Sir, what has happened in Canada is not a matter of great

When his Royal Highness tells us that, at the period of the American declaration of war, there were circumstances which led him to believe that peace might be restored, it must be that those circumstances were of a nature of which we and the public are wholly ignorant, but which in due time may, perhaps, be disclosed, and may then bear out such a belief. But certainly, on the face of the American declaration, any man must observe a studied mind to prevent pacification, or at least to defer it; and as to Canada, the desire entertained by the American government to possess that province, is not much frowned upon even by those Americans who are the best disposed towards this country. As an additional proof of the true tone and character of the American declaration, let it not be forgotten, that immediately after the promulgation of it an ambassador to France was appointed, who traced the steps of the Gallic conqueror, through the realms which he had devastated. A republican ambassador, bearing the homage of a free state to the conqueror (as he was taken for granted to be) of independent Russia, and authorised to sign, amidst the smoking ruins of Moscow, a treaty of hostility against the liberators of Spain! With such an exhibition of republican virtue and republican love of liberty before my eyes, faint, I confess, were the hopes which I could cherish, of a disposition on the part of America to conciliate Great Britain. Much has been said indeed, and too much cannot be said, or felt, of the natural affection that ought to subsist between the two countries; of the force of kindred

blood, of common interests, of common language. But, Sir, we are told by natural historians, that affection descends; that parents love their children more than children love their parents; and I would ask of those who, in this country, speak of America with parental affection, whether they do not begin to apprehend that they may have counted a little too much on a reciprocity of feeling on the part of their transatlantic offspring.

Before, however, I quit that part of the Address which relates to Canada, let me again guard myself against the possibility of being supposed to undervalue the heroism there displayed, or not to set its due value upon that exemplary loyalty in his Majesty's Canadian subjects which is stated in the Speech from the throne to have remained proof against all temptation. Most cordially do I concur in that sentiment of approbation, and, adverting to a vote which I had the honour of proposing to the House last year, in favour of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, let me remind the House that these provinces of Canada, so assailed, and so attempted to be seduced, and so inaccessible to seduction, constitute the single specimen in the British empire, in which the Catholic is allowed to sit side by side with the Protestant in the legislature, as well as to fight side by side with him in the field!!

really playing the game of the party friendly to us? I doubt it. Here is a country divided into parties, one of which, to deter their countrymen from war, predicts the evils that must follow hostility with England: I cannot conceive a mode better calculated to diminish the influence of that party, instead of upholding it, than that of rendering their prophecies comtemptible, and enabling those opposed to them in politics to appeal to experience against their forebodings. But is this an ideal picture? By no means. I found the other day the report of a speech made by one of the party in America, whom we are told we ought to conciliate by forbearance. This gentleman (gen. German) endeavoured to divert the senate of the United States from its warlike resolutions, by an anticipation of the evils which Great Britain could inflict upon America the moment that war was declared. He observed, "that the first consequence of the maritime superiority of Great Britain, would be the loss of New Orleans, from which the English could not be dislodged without a great sacrifice of blood and treasure; that they might then pass northward along the American coast to Charleston and Norfolk ;" and he asked " if they thought it possible to defend those places, or that they would not be in the possession of the English in six days?" He assured the senate, "that if they calculated But to return to the war. For this sys- on the forbearance of the English, they tem of forbearance-of mitigated and half would be deceived;" and to ridicule afraid hostility, we are told there is a two- the notion, that, after the decisive step fold reason. We are told that we have of declaring war had been taken, any friends in America whom we should en- thing would postpone for a day the vendeavour to conciliate by mildness, and geance of Great Britain; "You are not that we should be careful to put ourselves to imagine," says he, "that England will completely in the right. No man can sub-complaisantly wait till you are prepared scribe more readily than I do to the to repel her attacks. She is not so simlatter proposition. So much so, indeed, ple in her enmity."-Alas! Sir, gen. that I confess, I should contemplate the German gave us credit for a promptitude Imost splendid victory that ever decorated which we did not possess; for a quicker the historic page with little admiration, if sense of insult and injury than belongs it were gained in a cause essentially un- to us we have shewn ourselves more just. It may also be wise to do whatever simple than the orator supposed us. may depend upon us, to forward the po- We have waited till America is prelitical views, and political preponderance pared. The decisive step of war was of the party in the United States;-I taken, and our vengeance yet sleeps. will not call it the English party, for that Nothing has happened in consequence of would be unjust;-but that party of good the American declaration of war, except Americans, who loving their country, and that America has captured our ships and consulting for her good, maintain the opi- attacked our provinces. But as for the nion that an alliance with England is pre-prophet of our resentment, his influence is ferable to an alliance with France. But, Sir, are we sure that by this system of restricted and inoffensive hostility we are

lost for ever. This injurious mode of backing our friends by falsifying their arguments has probably silenced the advo

[76 cates for peace with England, and left us But it was highly important that such an without a prediction in our favour on one accusation should be refuted. Another side of congress, or an apprehension of imputed cause of war is, that in 1809, our vengeance on the other.-Tremendous when we were engaged in an amicable nemust have been, even among the stoutest-gociation with America, an emissary was hearted of the advocates for war, the no- sent by our government into the territory tion of the mischiefs which we could in- of the United States to dismember the flict upon the coasts and navy of the Unit-union, and to stir up I know not what ed States. How they must now laugh at disturbances. That, Sir, is a charge which their own apprehensions! Tremblingly as ought for our own character, to have been they approached to the first acts of war, directly contradicted by our government what have we not done to re-assure their in the face of Europe. I speak the more nerves, and to take away from them every anxiously and earnestly on this point, reason to wish for the discontinuance of because it is one upon which I might hostilities? be supposed to have something to answer If, however, any man can show me, for individually, inasmuch as I had the that six months spent in impotent hosti- honour unworthily to hold the seals of lity, and that to negociate with an enemy's the Foreign Office in 1809, at the time fleet instead of capturing it, are the modes when this transaction, if it took place at of making a cause just, I submit. But, all, must have originated. For myself, I Sir, if it be so very desirable to put our- solemnly declare in the face of the whole selves in the right, surely there was a world, that if such a mission was dispatchshorter way. The declaration of war on ed, I had no knowledge of it; I was no the part of America was received about party to it; I never heard of it, until I the end of July. It imputed to us, beside saw it imputed to the British government the Orders in Council (which have been in the American declaration. The indigsufficiently discussed here to render any nation which I feel on my own account further observations upon them neces- at this accusation, I likewise feel for my sary), other substantive grounds of quarrel. sovereign and for my country. I hope This document, in the face of the world and trust that every member of the admiand of posterity, remains unanswered!-nistration of the time, can disclaim all Is it not the custom of European diplo- knowledge of any such transaction as macy, when a declaration of war imputes confidently as I do. But, Sir, such a disto one nation provocations to hostility, for claimer ought to have been made without the nation so accused to answer that de- loss of time. It is not indifferent to the claration? If, then, it was so desirable to cause and character of this country that it be in the right, why were not means re- should have lain six months under such an sorted to by the executive government to imputation. It may not be inoperative rebut the attack? Why is there not on as to the prolongation of the war: for the the table of this House, and why was American people may be better satisfied there not dispersed through Europe a with a war which they think has its distinct and satisfactory refutation of the grounds in justice and unrefuted calumcharges preferred by the American go- nies must pass with them for substantiated vernment? If it is answered that the charges. hopes of pacification were not abandoned by us, I reply, that such a refutation was rendered even more desirable by the supposed probability of an immediate restoration of peace. For had peace been concluded, then it would have been too late the accusation would have been recorded, and no public answer to it would have been in existence.

One of the imputations, for instance, contained in the declaration is, that we had demanded of America that she should force our produce and manufactures upon France. Such a demand would have been most unreasonable and unjust. I have no doubt that it was never made.

In both views, both for war and for peace, I could have wished that the experiment had been tried of a system the very reverse of that which we have adopted; that we had been prompt in refuting the accusations of the enemy, and in retaliating his aggression; instead of leaving him by our silence and our inactivity at once satisfied of the justice of his attack upon us, and fearless of its consequences.

Sir, with respect to the internal situation of the country, I have no occasion to trouble you with any remark. I have nothing to qualify in my assent to that part of the Address. There is only one point, a point