countries, Ireland would never be settled, but be disturbed by the most mischievous speculations and intrigues, and be made the sport of parties, and of the enemies of England."

The advantages of an Irish union time will yet develop*—and, like that of Scotland, years may elapse before its benefits shall be evidenced, and the false reasonings of its opponents falsified by its results. In describing the progress of the union, we have freely quoted from the work of a man who denounced the means by which the measure was effected. In that we agree with him-but of the union as completed, our own opinions are strictly in accordance with those of Mr. Plowden :

"Thus was accomplished the incorporate union of Great Britain and Ireland, an event dreaded by our enemies, and therefore to be cherished by every true and loyal subject of his majesty, as affording the sure means of conciliating the affections, consolidating the energies, and promoting the prosperity of every part of the British empire."

* "There is no question but, in time, the just reflection on these things will prevail upon men of honesty in all parts of your Majesty's dominions to acknowledge the happiness and advantages of the union, though at present the artifice of their enemies, rather than any real mischiefs felt by it, have filled their mouths with complaint."-History of the Union between England and Scotland.

CHAPTER XXX VI I.

STATE OF IRELAND IN 1801.

THE insurrectionary movements of '98, followed by the political tempest of conflicting opinion which accompanied the union of the kingdoms during its progress, had for several years distracted the Irish people, and totally inhibited any advances in national prosperity. Men now began with a renewed confidence to return to their former pursuits-the north was perfectly tranquillized-the manufacturer and agriculturist resumed the shuttle and the spade-and as events subsequently proved, the Presbyterians, with a very few exceptions, had thoroughly detected the fallacy of ideal liberty, and become sincere converts to the solid advantages which a well-ordered constitution secures to the community.

In other parts of the kingdom, though the flame was openly extinguished, the embers smouldered-desperate individuals still held outand life and property were rendered insecure. The spread of French principles had been progressive and extensive-and although the many had repudiated the foul doctrines which denounced a king and denied a god, still the pest was not eradicated, and for years afterwards the plague-spot was discovered occasionally.

The opinions delivered by the Irish members of the British legislature will best shew the state of Ireland at this period, and the demand made for arming the executive with the additional power conferred by martial law, would prove in itself that the country was still feverish, and that a portion of the people were discontented, if not disloyal. On the 12th of March, 1801, Lord Castlereagh thus urged the necessity of stringent measures:

"The task he had to perform was extremely painful, but it was a duty of which he was determined to acquit himself. He was ready to acknowledge that the introduction of martial law in Ireland was almost unparalleled in its constitutional history; but yet he must remind the house that the spirit and principles of modern Jacobinism had compelled the legislature to recognize a system of judicature unknown, except when the operation of all laws was suspended from the open existence of rebellion in the field. The necessity of resorting to so strong a measure was lamentable, but, if it did exist, he could not betray his country and the constitution. He owned the difficulties of carrying such a measure in an assembly where so few had a local knowledge of the circumstances that justified it."

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"It was his intention to propose it only for three months. He was so confident of its necessity, that he called upon parliament to pass the bill without further inquiry. He admitted what the honourable gentleman had advanced, that, if rebellion existed, the lord-lieutenant might proclaim martial law. But was it more constitutional to come to parliament for an act of indemnity, than to call for its previous authority?

"The rebellion broke out in May, 1798, and martial law continued in force till March, 1799. By the king's authority martial law was then exercised, and the Irish government relied on an act of indemnity in their favour, if they transgressed not the bounds which the necessity of the case prescribed. They were compelled to withhold a great portion of the municipal law, while property could not be protected without martial law. This occasioned a conflict; for no officer could execute his duty, if subject to be brought to trial continually. Many indictments were preferred against officers for attempting to execute the lord-lieutenant's orders; and the rebellion at one period rendered it impossible for the judges to sit unmolested. When it abated, the courts were again opened, the first, in the metropolis, the King's Bench. In some places the circuit was held, and the assizes conducted under a military force. But civil justice could not be exercised without protection; therefore, one or the other must be sacrificed. After rebellion had been crushed in the field, Jacobinism still contrived to preserve it alive in the country. This malignant spirit produced a new case, obliging the courts of justice to be shut, and the country to seek its protection from martial law. If this spirit still existed, the necessity of martial law was evident, that it did now exist, he thus proceeded to shew.

"He said, that in activity, malignancy, and perseverance, the Irish rebels exceeded all who had ever attempted the destruction of their government. During the last three months, his excellency had found it necessary to try sixty-three persons in courts-martial, and of these, thirty-four were condemned and executed. Most of them were found guilty of overt acts of rebellion, and all of having helped to promote it. In the whole year, two hundred and seven criminals had been tried. The character of the noble person above mentioned was too well known to be suspected of unnecessary rigour. He would not have suspended common law without occasion, but would have allowed the usual trial by jury. The bill ought not to be considered as an establishment of martial law, but for allowing the courts of law to remain open. The crown had power to proclaim martial law when necessary for the good of the empire; but then the process of the courts was at an end, and the accused must, in all cases, be tried by a military tribunal. By the continuance of this act, Jacobinism would be counteracted, and the people retain most of their privileges. It was notorious, that several districts still cherished the spirit that had occasioned such calamities, and prompted the inhabitants to attack the persons and property of their neighbours. But the second object was, to obstruct the administration of justice. For this purpose they used