arguments previously urged, and to the same speakers who had delivered their opinions during the different stages when the bill was before the house. It would be irrelevant, therefore, to state aught but the result. Mr. Pitt rose and moved that a message should be sent to the Lords, informing their lordships the house had agreed to the address, and had filled up the blank with the words "and Commons."

As the question was considered with the most minute attention by the Commons, we have given precedence to their debates. In the House of Lords the subject was introduced on the same day (January 22nd), and in the same mode, viz. by a message from his Majesty.

In the upper house the question was discussed, supported, and opposed-and the address passed through the parliamentary stages, as in the lower house, with immense majorities in favour of the measure. Having reached its final stage, the question was put upon the address, and carried, nemine dissentiente.

Lord Grenville, Lord Auckland, the Bishop of Landaff, and Lord Minto, were then named as a committee to draw up an address conformable to the motion; and when they returned with it, it was agreed to.

Lord Grenville then moved, that a conference be desired with the Commons on the following day, at half-past four o'clock, on the subject of their conference on the 18th of March last; which being put and carried, his lordship gave notice that he should then move that the managers of the conference, on the part of their lordships, be instructed to request the Commons to agree that the address be presented to his Majesty as the joint address of both houses of parliament, which was done accordingly.

CHAPTER XXXV.

PARLIAMENTARY PROGRESS OF THE UNION THROUGH THE IRISH HOUSE OF COMMONS-THE MEASURE CARRIED.

THE false movement of Mr. Ponsonby was never recovered by the anti-unionists—and to render the struggle still more hopeless, some of the ablest members of the opposition seceded from parliament, and left the question to its fate. Mr. Grattan subsequently returned, when his services were unavailing-but Mr. Curran never resumed his seat.

The party from this period were falling to pieces every hour, and the opposition to union were, in fact, united on no one question but the one-and even in the measure of that opposition they were not agreed, much less in the mode of securing a retreat or of profiting by a victory. "But still the opposition to annexation brought them closely together and a view of the house at this period was quite unprecedented. The friends of Catholic emancipation were seen on the same benches with those of Protestant ascendancy-the supporters of reform divided with the borough influence-a sense of common danger drew men together upon this topic who were dissimilar in sentiment, adverse in opinion, jealous in interest, and antagonists in principle. They conjointly presented a formidable front to the enemy, but possessed within themselves neither subordination nor unqualified unanimity, qualities which were essentially necessary to preserve so heterogeneous a body, from the destructive weapons which were provided for their overthrow.

"There was no great leader whom they could collectively consult or obey-no systematic course determined on for their conduct-no prearranged plan of proceeding without-doors, or practical arrangement for internal debate; their energies were personal, their enthusiasm graduated, and their exertions not gregarious. Every man formed his own line of procedure; the battle was hand to hand, the movements desultory; whether they clashed with the general interest, or injured the general cause, was hardly contemplated, and seldom perceived until the injury had happened."

Another powerful diversion in favour of the unionists was the adherence of the Catholic hierarchy to the government. In a full assurance that emancipation would be a consequence were the ministerial measures carried into effect, the Catholic prelates gave their assistance, and no doubt it was all-powerful. The exertions of Lord Castlereagh were indefatigable-and even when the English chancellor

* Secret Memoirs of the Union.

*

felt inclined to leave the question in abeyance, the Irish secretary was resolute in forcing his favourite measure to a close. His determination and his activity kept pace and while his opponents were frittering the unity of strength away, in quarrelling on minor questions, Lord Castlereagh's eye was never removed from the grand object of his heart for an instant. Every influence a minister could command was ably brought into action, and plans were devised which probably the boldest statesman would have scarcely dared to imagine, far less to adopt.

The Irish gentlemen of that day were remarkably pugnacious, and nearly half the members of the lower house were duellists, not only in principle but practice.† Few persons in those eventful times took an active part in politics without becoming involved in personal encounters; and even amongst the highest law officers of the crown and the judges of the land, differences of opinion were frequently referred to arbitrament in the field. During the past session, the balance of talent in the house leaned rather to the opposition, while the spirit of the anti-unionists was highly excited, and the leaders, on several occasions, appeared solicitous to waive further argument, and try conclusions with the pistol. The secretary, a gallant and fearless man himself, was therefore desirous that his own spirit should be infused into his supporters, and to effect it he devised a plan totally unprecedented, and which never could have been thought of in any other country than Ireland.

He invited to dinner, at his house in Merion-square, above twenty of his most staunch supporters, consisting of "tried men," and men of "fighting families," who might feel an individual pride in resenting every personality of the opposition, and in identifying their own honour with the cause of government. The dinner was sumptuous; the champagne and madeira had their due effect, and no man could be more condescending than the noble host. After due preparation the point was skilfully introduced by Sir John Blaquiere (since created Lord de Blaquiere), who, of all men, was best calculated to promote a gentlemanly, convivial, fighting conspiracy. He was of the old school, and an able diplomatist; and with the most polished manners and im

*"Mr. Pitt had, by a private despatch to Lord Cornwallis, desired that the measure should not be then pressed, unless he could be certain of a majority of fifty. The chancellor, on learning the import of that despatch, expostulated in the strongest terms at so pusillanimous a decision. His lordship never knew the meaning of the word moderation in any public pursuit, and he cared not whether the Union were carried by a majority of one or one hundred."

The fire-eating propensities of the Irish aristocracy were actually advanced during the final debate in the British House of Commons, as good and sufficient grounds against the Union! "But a matter of greater alarm to Doctor Lawrence was the disturbance that might be occasioned by the introduction of so many members from Ireland in that house, from a quickness of disposition, and a propensity to duelling. He confessed that he was not without apprehensions for the order, the tranquillity, and the security of the house, even under the good government and authority of so excellent a chairman as the present speaker."-Parliamentary Reports.

posing address, combined a friendly heart and decided spirit, while in polite conviviality he was unrivalled.

Having sent round many loyal, mingled with joyous and exhilarating toasts, he stated that he understood the opposition were disposed to personal unkindness, or even incivilities, towards his Majesty's best friends-the unionists of Ireland. He was determined that no man should advance upon him by degrading the party he had adopted, and the measures he was pledged to support. A full bumper proved his sincerity-the subject was discussed with great glee, and some of the company began to feel a zeal for actual service.

Lord Castlereagh affected some coquetry, lest this idea should appear to have originated with him; but when he perceived that many had made up their minds to act even on the offensive, he calmly observed, that some mode should, at all events, be taken to secure the constant presence of a sufficient number of the government friends during the discussion, as subjects of the utmost importance were often totally lost for want of due attendance. Never did a sleight-of-hand man juggle more expertly.

One of his lordship's prepared accessories (as if it were a new thought) proposed, humorously, to have a dinner for twenty or thirty every day, in one of the committee chambers, where they could be always at hand to make up a house, or for any emergency which should call for an unexpected reinforcement, during any part of the dis

cussion.

The novel idea of such a detachment of legislators was considered whimsical and humorous, and, of course, was not rejected. Wit and puns began to accompany the bottle; Mr. Cooke, the secretary, then, with significant nods and smirking innuendoes, began to circulate his official rewards to the company. The hints and the claret united to raise visions of the most gratifying nature-every man became in a prosperous state of official pregnancy: embryo judges-counsel to boards envoys to foreign courts compensation pensioners-placemen at chance and commissioners in assortments-all revelled in the anticipation of something substantial to be given to every member who would do the secretary the honour of accepting it.

The scheme was unanimously adopted-Sir John Blaquiere pleasantly observed that, at all events, they would be sure of a good cook at their dinners. After much wit, and many flashes of convivial bravery, the meeting separated after midnight, fully resolved to eat, drink, speak, and fight for Lord Castlereagh. They so far kept their words, that the supporters of the Union indisputably shewed more personal spirit than their opponents during the session.

When this singular proceeding was communicated, an opposition meeting assembled at Chalemont-House, the object being to counteract the pistol project of Lord Castlereagh. Luckily, the temperament of the opposition was unequal-and the "war to the knife" sentiments of the fighting section of the assembly, was overruled by a majority of the meeting. From the temper of the times, and the tone adopted

by the unionists, hostile meetings were calculated on as unavoidable— and yet, strange to say, while a petty election in those days was rarely concluded without three or four adjournments from the hustings to the field, the great question of the Irish Union, with all its political excitement and stormy debates, produced a solitary duel-Mr. Grattan's hostile affair with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. They quarrelled, fought, and voted during the same debate, Mr. Isaac Corry* (the chancellor) being slightly wounded on the occasion.

Such had been the state of the momentous question of a union, when the king, in closing the session of '99, thus expressed himself (July 29):"It is with peculiar satisfaction I congratulate you on the success of the steps which you have taken for effecting an entire union between my kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland.

"This great measure, on which my wishes have been long earnestly bent, I shall ever consider as the happiest event of my reign, being persuaded that nothing could so effectually contribute to extend to my Irish subjects the full participation of the blessings derived from the British constitution, and to establish, on the most solid foundation, the strength, prosperity, and power of the whole empire."

The interval which passed until parliament re-assembled has been generally noticed-and the tone of the times and the temper of the parties may be sufficiently collected from the preceding pages.

Whatever progress the supporters of the proposed union had made during the parliamentary recess, no change of popular sentiment on the subject took place in the metropolis. When the resolutions of the British legislature, intended as a basis for a union with Ireland, being remitted,

* "Mr. Isaac Corry, the son of an eminent merchant in Newry, had been elected representative in parliament for his native town, and commenced his public life under the patronage of that dignified Irishman, Mr. John O'Neil, with great advantages. His figure and address were those of a gentleman, rather graceful and prepossessing; and though not regularly educated, he was not badly informed. He was a man of business, and a man of pleasure; he had glided over the surface of general politics, and collected the idioms of superficial literature; he possessed about a third-rate public talent. His class of elocution in parliament was sometimes useful, and always agreeable; but on momentous subjects he was not efficient. In facing great questions, he frequently shrunk back-in facing great men, he was sufficiently assuming. His public principles were naturally patriotic, but his interest lost no time in adapting them to his purposes. He sought to acquire the character of an accomplished financier, but he was totally unequal to the mazes of financial speculation, and there he altogether failed. His private habits and qualities were friendly and engaging-his public ones as correct as his interest would admit of.

"As a reward for his fidelity to the Irish minister of 1799, he succeeded in the first object of his life-the supplanting of Sir John Parnell in the Chancellorship of the Irish Exchequer. But it added little to his emolument, and nothing to his reputation. He wrangled through the Irish Union as a ministerial partisan, and exposed himself as a financier in the Imperial Parliament. His influence was neutralized when he lost his country-his pride was extinguished when he lost his office; and he was defeated at Newry, in which he thought himself established. Like others of his repenting countrymen, he withdrew from public life upon the purchase of his integrity, regretting past scenes, and disgusted with the passing ones. He lingered out his latter days in an inglorious retirement, the prey of chagrin, and the victim of unimportance. As a private friend, it is impossible but to regret him—as a public character, he has left but little of celebrity."-Barrington.