1882.] BOOKS. 527 My own impression is that there which transpired during the last century. is no blessing that can be given to an artisan's family more than a love of books. The home influence of such a possession is one which will guard them from many temptations and from many evils. How common it is-in all classes too common-but how common it is amongst what are termed the working classes I have seen it many times in my district-where even an industrious and careful parent has found that his son or his daughter has been to him a source of great trouble and pain. No doubt, if it were possible, even in one of these homes, to have one single person who was a lover of books, and knows how to spend an evening usefully with a book, and who could occasionally read something from the book to the rest of the family, perhaps to his aged parents, how great would be the blessing to the family, how great a safeguard would be afforded; and then to the men themselves, when they came-as in the case which I have mentioned-to the feebleness of age, and when they can no longer work, and when the sands of life are as it were ebbing out, what can be more advantageous, what more a blessing, than in these years of feeblenessmay be sometimes of suffering-it must be often of solitude if there be the power to derive instruction and amusement and refreshment from books which your great library will offer to every one? (Applause.) To the young especially this is of great importance, for if there be no seed-time there will certainly be no harvest, and the youth of life is the seed-time of life. I see in this great meeting a number of young men. It is impossible for anybody to confer upon them a greater blessing than to stimulate them to a firm belief that to them now, and to them during all their lives, it may be a priceless gain that they should associate themselves constantly with this library and draw from it any books they like. The more they read the more in all probability they will like and wish to read. Mr. Lewis Morris, in his late charming poem called 'The Ode of Life'-in that part of it dedicated to youth, and in addressing the imaginary youth of whom is writing-says: 'For thee the fair poetic page is spread, Of the great living and the greater dead; What can be better than this-that the fair poetic page, the great instructions of history, the gains of science-all these are laid before us, and of these we may freely partake. I spoke of the library in the beginning of my observations as a fountain of refreshment and instruction and wisdom. Of it it may be said that he who drinks shall still thirst, and thirsting for knowledge and still drinking, we may hope, he will grow to a greater mental and moral standard, more useful as a citizen, and more noble as a man.' Mr. Bright took part in the discussion of the Prevention of Crimes (Ireland) Bill in committee, on the 23rd of June, remarking: "We know, further, that in America there has been a series of constant conspiracies for some years past in connection with something like corresponding conspiracies in Ireland. We know, and hon. gentlemen opposite know very well, that not many years ago a soldier of fortune, a man ready to fight anywhere I hope not for any cause against this country-and who expected that his friends in Ireland would put him at the head of an army of twenty thousand men, published afterwards an account of his experiences in one of the reviews of this country. I had an opportunity of conversing for about an hour with him when he came over here, and he told me the reason, which I think was not perfectly accurate, which had brought him here. He asked me my view as to the state of opinion in this country chiefly with regard to Ireland, and I told him nothing could be more hazardous, nothing could be more certain in leading to destruction, than if he entered into the path of conspiracy which was then disclosed. I recollect in the article that he wrote he said he had found out that the police had discovered the whole matter, and he left London very suddenly. He said, 'On occasions like this I travel with very little luggage.' (Laughter.) General Chideray, as he was called, was a very sensible man, and got out of the difficulty into which he had very nearly plunged himself. These are the things we have in our minds in connection with Irishmen in America and the discontented Irishmen in Ireland." CHAPTER XLV. WITHDRAWS FROM THE CABINET. The War in Egypt-Resignation from the Cabinet-Speech in the House of Commons -Mr. Gladstone's Reply-Visitors from America-Invitation to the United States-Opening a new Infirmary at Rochdale-Installation as Lord Rector at Glasgow-Presentation of an Address from the Glasgow Liberals-Visit to the Monument of Janet Hamilton-Speech on the Union of Church and State. Ar the beginning of 1882 the Khedive of Egypt, yielding to pressure, consented to reinstate one of his ministers, named Arabi, in the war department; and this act was considered as a triumph of the national party. As there was a prospect of civil war in Egypt, England and France presented a joint note, declaring the maintenance of the Khedive's authority. Arabi and the army became more popular, and the Khedive was forced to accept a national ministry. The Organic Law was adopted, notwithstanding the protest of the controllers, thus subverting the authority of England and France embodied in the control. Arabi at last became dictator, and was secretly supported by the Sultan. England and France next agreed that any disturbance of the status quo must be prevented. A British and French squadron accordingly anchored in the harbour of Alexandria in the latter part of May. On the 25th of the same month, the English and French consuls-general presented an ultimatum to the Egyptian minister demanding the temporary removal of Arabi and two other leaders of the mutinous soldiery, and the resignation of the ministry. The Khedive assented, but the army and the nationalists were dissatisfied. The army urged the restoration of Arabi, and it was announced that if the Khedive refused, the lives and the property of the Europeans would not be safe. The Khedive reinstated Arabi, and many of the Europeans in Cairo removed to Alexandria, where hundreds of them took refuge on board ships. On the 11th of June a Mussulman preconcerted riot took place in Alexandria, and a number of Europeans were killed and their houses pillaged. The Khedive and his ministers strove in vain to allay the excitement. Arabi, who was aiming at the deposition of the Khedive's supremacy, was recognised by the Porte who elevated him to the highest rank of the Mejidie. France was unwilling to interfere. Sir B. 1882.] RETIRES FROM THE CABINET. 529 Seymour informed the English Cabinet that the works on the forts in Alexandria were being actively carried on. On the 6th of July the admiral demanded their instant cessation, under penalty of bombardment. The Khedive protested against this act, but the works on the forts still proceeded. Sir B. Seymour, on the 10th of July, insisted on the surrender of the forts at the mouth of the harbour as a material guarantee. The Egyptian ministers strove to negotiate, but the admiral was firm in his resolution, and early on the morning of the 11th eight British ironclads and five gunboats fired on the forts, and in a few hours they were battered down, while the vessels escaped with little damage and slight loss of life. The next day a flag of truce was displayed, and the Egyptian forces evacuated the town, but before doing so set fire to the European quarters, which were plundered. The British blue-jackets and marines landed and restored order. The other powers did not interfere, and England was left to act alone. The Cabinet next despatched an expeditionary force "to secure British interests and restore order." Mr. Bright then resigned his seat in the Cabinet, as he considered that a violation of international law and moral law had been committed. However, the war proceeded, and ended in September in favour of the invaders. The total charge for the English military, naval, and Indian services down to the close of the war amounted to about £4,000,000, which the heavily-taxed Englishman would have to pay. On July the 17th Mr. Bright entered the House of Commons, and took a seat on the second bench below the gangway. After the questions on the paper were exhausted there were cries of "Bright," and upon rising he was received with cheers, and he said : "I was not intending to offer any observations to the House on this, to me, new and peculiar occasion. I suppose hon. gentlemen are wishful to know perhaps more than they do know about the reasons why I am not found in my accustomed seat. To tell the truth, I have no explanation to make. There seems to me nothing to explain, and I have nothing to defend. The simple fact is that I could not agree with my late colleagues in the Government in their policy with regard to the Egyptian question. It has been said-some public writers have said, and some have said in private conversation-why have not I sooner retired from the Government ?— (hear, hear)-and why have I postponed my resignation to this time? It has been asked why did not I resign last Tuesday or Wednesday? I may answer that by saying that my profound regard for my right hon. friend at the head of the Government(hear, hear, and cheers)-and my regard also for those who now sit with him, is so great that I was prompted to remain with them until the very last moment, when I found it no longer possible to retain my office in the Cabinet. The fact is that the disagreement was to a large extent fundamental. If I had remained in office it would have been under these circumstances-either that I must have submitted silently to many measures which I must altogether condemn, or I must have remained in office in a state of constant conflict with my colleagues. Therefore it was better generally— it was better for me--the House, am sure, will unanimously agree, that I should ask my right hon. friend to permit me to retire, and place my resignation in the hands of ΙΙ the Queen. The House knows-at all events those who have had an opportunity of observing any of the facts of my political life for forty years know-that at least I have endeavoured from time to time to teach my countrymen an opinion and doctrine which I hold, which is that the moral law is not intended only for individual life, but is intended also for the life and practice of States. (Cheers from below the gangway). I think in the present case there has been a manifest violation of international law -(hear, hear)-and of the moral law, and therefore it is impossible for me to give any support to it. I cannot repudiate what I have preached and taught during the period of a rather long political life. I cannot turn my back upon my belief and deny all that I have taught to many thousands of others during the forty years I have been permitted in public meetings and in this House to address my countrymen. One word only more. I asked my calm judgment and my conscience what was the path of right to take. They pointed it out to me with an unerring finger, and I am humb'y endeavouring to follow it." A deep silence fell upon the House as the last words were uttered, and in referring to the Prime Minister he spoke with emotion. Mr. Gladstone next rose and said : "In the peculiar circumstances, it is by the indulgence of the House that I rise to say a single word, which my own feelings tell me and I think the feelings of others will answer to mine-it would be culpable on my part to omit. This is not the occasion for arguing the question of difference that has unhappily arisen between my right hon. friend and those who were proud to be his colleagues. But I may venture to assure him that we concur with him in thinking that the moral law applies to States-(Mr. Biggar: 'Hear, hear ')—as it does to individuals, and that the difference between us-a difference most painful to him, and most painful to us all— is a difference upon a particular case, and a particular application of the law to that case. It is to us, as it is to him, an occasion of the profoundest pain. But he carries with him the unbroken esteem, and, upon every other question, the unbroken confidence of his colleagues, and their best and warmest wishes for his happiness, and that it may follow him in the independent position to which he has found it necessary to retire." (Cheers.) On the 25th of September, Mr. Bright, while staying at Cassencary, Creetown, N.B., on a visit to his friend, James Caird, Esq., now Sir James Caird, K.C.B., forwarded a letter to the Rev. Thomas Rippon, of Warrington, in reply to one written by the reverend gentleman, who held that "Peace at any price" was an untenable position, and that the Egyptian war seemed a righteous one. "The Spectator and other supporters of this war answer me by saying that I oppose the war because I condemn all war. The same thing was said during the Crimean war," replied Mr. Bright. “I have not opposed any war on the ground that all war is unlawful and immoral. I have never expressed such an opinion. I have discussed these questions of war, Chinese, Crimean, Afghan, Zulu, Egyptian, on grounds common to, and admitted by, all thoughtful men, and have condemned them with arguments which I believe have never been answered. "I will not discuss the abstract question. I shall be content when we reach the point at which all Christian men will condemn war when it is unnecessary, unjust, and leading to no useful or good result. We are far from that point now, but we make some way towards it. "But of this war I may say this, that it has no better justification than other wars which have gone before it, and that doubtless when the blood is shed and the cost paid, and the results seen and weighed, we shall be generally of that opinion. "Perhaps the bondholders, and those who have made money by it, and those who have got promotion and titles and pensions, will defend it, but thoughtful and Christian men will condemn it." 1883.] AMERICAN FRIENDS. 531 On the 26th of July Mr. Bright received at his London residence a party of twenty-five American working people, who were travelling through Europe, and who were anxious to see him. They were selected from among the 3,000 employés of Messrs. Jordan and Marsh, the most extensive of manufacturing merchants and drapers, of Boston, New England; and were travelling at the expense of their employers. The excursion was intended as a token of recognition of their faithful services, as well as a pleasant schooling in the customs and institutions of the Old World. They were introduced to Mr. Bright by Mr. B. Armitage, M.P. Mr. Bright spoke to them on several subjects concerning America, and remarked that he himself had more blood relations in America than he had in England. At the close of the interview he went through the ceremony of shaking each by the hand, and all were pleased. In the early part of 1883, Mr. Bright received from Mr. Evarts a resolution unanimously adopted by the Union League Club of New York, inviting the right hon. gentleman to visit the United States as the guest of the club, which was to celebrate its twentieth anniversary. Mr. Evarts in his letter, after referring to Mr. Bright's support of the Northern cause during the civil war, said :— "The Union League Club has always counted among the important political aids to the support of the authority of our Government, under the stress through which it passed, the firm, unflinching, and impregnable attitude which you and your and our great friend, Mr. Cobden, opposed to the great current of commercial, social, and political interest and opinion which, both in England and on the Continent, set so strongly against the success of the loyal power of the country in dealing with so powerful a revolt. We have never attempted to measure the extent of our obligations to you, nor to calculate the misfortune to our cause had it missed the support of so great a defender. "These sentiments of the Union League Club are shared by the great body of the sober and thinking people of this country, and the hospitality which we proffer you will be but one form of the general acclaim which your presence in the United States will call forth. In asking you to be our guest from the time you take the sea to make this desired visit through the whole of your travel in our country, and until you again reach your home, we can promise you that every eye and every heart of all our countrymen will greet you with its blessing, and that, beyond this, our people will encroach as little upon the quiet and freedom which you may think suitable to your health and enjoyment, during your stay with us, as you may desire." "I never liked the sea," remarked Mr. Bright, in concluding his letter in reply, "and my once strong appetite for travel has subsided, and I cannot but feel that the friendly welcome promised me on your side of the Atlantic would force me into a publicity from which I shrink. "What can I say, then, in reply to letters so complimentary, and yet, I cannot doubt, so friendly and sincere? That I am deeply grateful to you and to your and my friends on whose behalf you have written, and that I regret with a feeling not less strong that I am not able to accept the kind invitation you have sent me, and the most kind welcome you have offered and promised me. I write with difficulty; but you will understand how hard it is to make a fitting, when an unfavourable, reply to such letters as you and your friends have addressed to me. You will forgive me if I cannot come. I can never forget your great kindness, and the honour you have conferred upon me." |