Page images
PDF
EPUB

negyrick; the fruit of much meditation; the result of the observation of near twenty years. For my own part, I am happy that I have lived to see this day. I feel myself overpaid for the labours of eighteen years, when, at this late period, I am able to take my share, by one humble vote, in destroying a tyranny that exists to the disgrace of this nation, and the destruction of so large a part of the human species.

MR. FOX'S SPEECH,

ON MONDAY, DECEMBER 1, 1783, UPON A MOTION FOR THE COMMITMENT OF THE BILL VESTING THE AFFAIRS OF THE EAST-INDIA COMPANY IN THE HANDS OF CERTAIN COMMISSIONERS, FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE PROPRIETORS AND OF THE PUBLICK."

WE here insert the concluding speech of Mr. Fox,

on his memorable India bill, which has been extolled as among the noblest efforts of his intellectual powers. Though, certainly, it has very elevated pretensions, we cannot conceive it to be entitled to the extravagant commendation bestowed upon it. When contrasted with the preceding speech of Mr. Burke, on the same occasion, it will be found decidedly inferiour. Exhibiting a narrower view of the subject, it has less copiousness of intelligence, less energy of argument, less of the decorations of style, and less of the philosophy of eloquence.

But whatever may be the comparative merits of the speech, it is important to preserve it, as comprising the vindication of two measures which, by impeaching the integrity and consistency of his principles, had the greatest influence on Mr. Fox's political career. We allude to the bill itself, and to his coalition with lord North.

SIR,

SPEECH, &c.

THE necessity of my saying something upon the present occasion, is so obvious to the house, that ne

apology will, I hope, be expected from me in troubling them even at so late an hour.* I shall not enter much into a detail, or minute defence, of the particulars of the bill before you, because few particular objections have been made. The opposition to it consisting only in general reasonings, of little application some, and others totally distant from the point in question.

The bill has been combated through its past stages upon various principles; but to the present moment the house has not heard it canvassed upon its own intrinsick merits. The debate to night has turned chiefly upon two points, namely, violation of charter, and increase of influence; and upon both these points I shall say a few words.

The honourable gentleman, who opened the debate, first demands my attention, not indeed for the wisdom of the observations which fell from him this night, (acute and judicious though he is upon most occasions,) but from the natural weight of all such characters in this country, the aggragate of whom should, I think, always decide upon publick measures. His ingenuity however was never, in my opinion exerted more ineffectually, upon more mistaken principles, and more inconsistent with the common tenour of his conduct, than in this debate.

The honourable gentleman charges me with abandoning that cause, which, he says, in terms of flattery, I had once so successfully asserted. I tell him, in reply, that if he were to search the history of my life, he would find that the period of it, in which I struggled most for the real, substantial cause of liberty, is this very moment that I am addressing you. Freedom, according to my conception of it, consists in the safe and sacred possession of a man's property, governed by laws defined and certain; with many personal privileges, natural, civil, and religious, *Two o'clock in the morning.

† Mr. Powys.

which he cannot surrender without ruin to himself; and of which to be deprived by any other power, is despotism. This bill, instead of subverting, is destined to stabilitate these principles; instead of narrowing the basis of freedom, it tends to enlarge it; instead of suppressing, its object is to infuse and circulate the spirit of liberty.

What is the most odious species of tyranny? Precisely that which this bill is meant to annihilate. That a handful of men, free themselves, should execute the most base and abominable despotism over millions of their fellow creatures; that innocence should be the victim of oppression; that industry should toil for rapine; that the harmless labourer should sweat, not for his own benefit, but for the luxury and rapacity of tyrannick depredation. In a word, that thirty millions of men, gifted by Providence with the ordi. nary endowments of humanity, should groan under a system of despotism, unmatched in all the histories of the world.

What is the end of all government? Certainly the happiness of the governed-Others may hold different opinions; but this is mine, and I proclaim it. What are we to think of a government, whose good fortune is supposed to spring from the calamities of its subjects, whose aggrandisement grows out of the miseries of mankind? This is the kind of government exercised under the East-India company upon the natives of Indostan, and the subversion of that infamous government is the main object of the bill in question. But in the progress of accomplishing this end, it is objected that the charter of the company should not be violated; and upon this point, sir, I shall deliver my opinion without disguise. A charter is a trust to one or more persons for some given benefit. If this trust be abused, if the benefit be not obtained, and that its failure arises from palpable guilt, or, (what in this case is full as bad) from palpable ignorance or mismanagement, will any man gravely say, that that trust should not be resumed and delivered to

[blocks in formation]
« PreviousContinue »