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I beg to be informed what provocation or rational purpose should induce a wish in the people to abolish this parliament, or alter the principles of its institu. tion? Is it to get another parliament to undo what we have done this session? or what we have been doing for these last twelve years? Is it to repeal the laws of this session, that have united the people of all persuasions in one common interest? Is it to repeal the law of this session, that has confided the defence of the nation to the property of the nation? Is it to repeal the law, that has conceded the royal prerogative to the freedom of parliament; or that which has made an offering of the hereditary revenue of the king to the relief of the people? v

Is it to appeal to a spirit different from that which has animated the present parliament, and distinguished this session above all others by acts of real and substantial reform? A reform that is not innovation, but assimilation assimilation of our government to that of Great Britain-a reform that does not affect to new model the venerable fabrick of our constitution, but to form a barrier around it, to protect it against the approaches of future abuse; to make it permanent, as it makes it pure; by restraining prodigality, and placing bounds to the power of the crown?-Or, is it to renounce the acquisitions of 1782, your free trade-your free constitution-your Habeas Corpus -your repeal of Poignings, or your judge's bill? Or is it to repeal that code of laws, which have in a few years spread agriculture and manufactures, and commerce through the land? No! sir, it is all a restless spirit and popular delusion. It is that delusion which would sacrifice benefits that are substantial, to speculations that are visionary. It is a delusion, like that which transported the merchant Abudah (in the Tales of the Genii) to abandon his palaces of silver and his temples of gold; the comforts of his affluence, and the raptures of his seraglio; to set out on a pilgrimage in search of the talisman of Orasmenes; because he was told that the voice of the people from the banks of the Tigris to the Euphrates resounded the

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praises of the talisman of Orasmenes; although of the admiring multitude not one of them had ever beheld it although they differed in their opinions concerning its properties and its powers-although they knew not whether it was made of the gold of Ormus, or the cedar of Lebanon, or a branch of the Feitch tree that grows on the burning sands, out of which the natives carve their own gods. But some restless genii had whispered in their ears, "that the talisman of Orasmenes would make every one of the people as powerful as the sultan himself."!

I shall leave the merchant Abudah, after his fruitless search, to console himself in his disappointment, by resuming that industry which had produced his former wealth; and embracing those laws, by whose benignity it had been protected. And if I might presume to address, in the voice of authority, my countryman, engaged, as he is, in as vain a pursuit, I would say to him, in the sacred words:

and do likewise."

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MR. CURRAN'S SPEECH,

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IN THE CAUSE OF THE KING AGAINST THE HON. MR. JUSTICE JOHNSON, IN THE COURT OF EXCHEQUER.-DUBLIN, FEBRUARY 4TH. 1805.

THE speech that follows, we are inclined to believe,

as well from internal evidence, as from information we have received, was prepared for the press by Mr. Curran, and that it is, perhaps, the only one of the collection, given to the publick, which has had the advantage of his careful revision.

When compared with the rest of his eloquent productions, it will be found to be peculiarly distinguished by those lighter beauties, and delicate embellishments which the most dexterous reporter can neither retain, nor supply, and to have an integrity of composition, and a neatness of finish that attest, with certainty, its genuineness.

This we consider to be decidedly the best of Mr. Curran's speeches hitherto published. Equally sparkling with the gems of his luxuriant fancy, and to profusion affluent of classical ornament, it lays an indisputable claim to more technical precision in its legal statements, and to a closer chain of logical deduction, and consecutive reasoning than is to be seen in any of his other pleadings.

The history of the case, which produced it, may be briefly told.

Not long after the rebellion in Ireland, of 1803, a series of essays appeared in Cobbett's Political Register, at that time an opposition journal in London, conducted with unusual ability, which endeavoured

to prove that the recent commotions, and existing discontents, of the people in that country, grew out of the corrupt, profligate, and violent administration of lord Hardwicke. They reflected, too, with great severity on the character and conduct of some of the principal officers of the Irish government.

The honourable Mr. Johnson, one of the judges of the court of Common Pleas in Ireland, having been detected as the author of these libellous publications, was indicted at Westminster. The indictment being found, he was arrested and confined under a warrant issued by lord Ellenborough, chief justice of the King's Bench, in England.

The return to a habeas corpus granted him by the court of Exchequer of Ireland, stated, that the authority for the arrest was the warrant above mentioned, which was founded on an act of the imperial parliament passed in the year 1804, entitled "an act to render more easy the apprehending and bringing to trial offenders, escaping from one part of the united kingdom to another, &c."

It was on the construction of the fourth section of the act, which is annexed, that the argument in the court of Exchequer arose.

"And, for remedy of the like inconveniency by the escape into Ireland, of persons guilty of crimes in England or Scotland respectively, be it further enacted, that, from and after the 1st. day of August, 1804, if any person or persons against whom a warrant shall be issued by any of the judges of his majesty's court of king's bench, or of the courts of great sessions in Wales, or any justice of ayer and terminer or goal delivery, or any justice or justices of the peace of any county, stewartry, riding, division, city, liberty, town, or place, within England or Scotland respectively, or other persons having authority to issue the same within England or Scotland respectively, for any crime or offence against the laws of England or Scotland respectively, shall escape, go into, reside, or be in any place of that part of the united kingdom called Ireland, it shall and may be lawful for any justice of the peace of the county or place in Ireland, whither or where such person or persons shall escape, go into, or reside, or be, to endorse his name on such warrant, which warrant so endorsed shall be a sufficient authority to the person or persons bringing such warrant, and to all persons to whom such warrant was originally directed, and also to all sheriffs' officers, constables, and other peace

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officers of the county or place, in Ireland, where such warrant shall be so endorsed, to execute the said warrant in the county or place, in Ireland, where it is so endorsed, by apprehending the person or persons against whom such warrant may be granted, and to convey him, her, or them, by the most direct way into England or Scotland respectively, and before one of the justices of peace of the county or stewartry, in England or Scotland respectively, living near the place and in the county where he, she, or they shall arrive and land, which justice of peace is hereby authorized and required to proceed with regard to such person or persons as if such person or persons had been legally apprehended in the said county or stewartry of England or Scotland respectively."

What was the decision of the court, in this case, we have not been able to ascertain. The subject, we recollect, was afterwards brought before parliament by the late Mr. Fox, and it is presumable, therefore, that the decision was unfavourable to Mr. Curran's client. By a sort of compromise with the government, judge Johnson finally retired from the bench, on a pension. But Mr. Cobbett, the publisher of the essays in question, was tried, and convicted of a libel, not only on Lord Hardwicke, but also on Mr. Plunket, the attorney general, and lordRedesdale, the chancellor of Ireland.

MY LORDS,

SPEECH, &c.

IT has fallen to my lot, either fortunately, or unfortunately, as the event may be, to rise as counsel for my client on this most important and momentous occasion. I appear before you, my lords, in consequence of a writ issued by his majesty, commanding that cause be shown to this his court why his subject has been deprived of his liberty, and upon the cause shown in obedience to this writ, it is my duty to address you on the most awful question, if awfulness is to be judged by consequences and events, on which you have been ever called upon to decide. Sorry am I that the task has not been confided to more adequate powers; but, feeble as they are, they will at least not shrink from it. I move you, therefore, that Mr. Justice Johnson be released from illegal imprisonment.

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