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sion of the British Constitution,-and the substitution of the most malignant and fatal contrast,—and the annihilation of British Liberty, and the obliteration of every thing that has rendered you a Great, a Flourish. ing, and a Happy People.

This is what is at issue; for this are We to declare Ourselves in a manner that deprecates the rage which Our enemy will not dissemble, and which will be little moved by Our entreaty. Under such circumstances are We ashamed or afraid to declare, in a firm and manly tone, Our resolution to defend Ourselves, or to speak the language of truth with the energy that belongs to Englishmen united in such a cause? Sir, I do not scruple for one to say, if I knew nothing by which I could state to myself a probability of the contest terminating in our favour, I would maintain that the contest with its worst chances is preferable to an acquiescence in such demands.

If I could look at this as a dry question of prudence; if I could calculate it upon the mere grounds of interest, I would say, if We love that Degree of National Power which is necessary for the Independence of the Country, and its safety; if We regard Domestick Tranquillity, if We look at individual enjoyment, from the highest to the meanest among Us, there is not a man, whose stake is so great in the country, that he ought to hesitate a moment in sacri. ficing any portion of it to oppose the violence of the enemy; nor is there, I trust, a man in this Happy and Free Nation, whose stake is so small, that would not be ready to sacrifice his life in the same cause. If We look at it with a view to safety, this would be Our conduct; but if we look at it upon the principle of true honour, of the character which We have to support, of the example which We have to set to the other nations of Europe, if We view rightly the lot in which Providence has placed Us, and the contrast between Ourselves and all the other Countries in Europe, Gratitude to that Providence should inspire Us to make every effort in such a Cause. There may be Danger, but on the one side there is Danger

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accompanied with Honour; on the other side, there is Danger with Indelible Shame and Disgrace: upon such an alternative, Englishmen will not hesitate. I wish to disguise no part of my sentiments, upon the grounds on which I put the issue of the contest. I ask, whether up to the principles I have stated, We are prepared to act? having done so, my opinion is not altered: my hopes, however, are animated from the reflection that the means of Our safety are in Our own hands; for there never was a period when We had more to encourage Us; in spite of heavy burdens, the radical strength of the Nation never showed itself more conspicuous; its revenue never exhibited greater proofs of the wealth of the Country; the same objects which constitute the Blessings We have to fight for, furnish Us with the means of continuing them. But it is not upon that point I rest; there is one great resource, which I trust will never abandon Us, and which has shone forth in the English Character, by which We have preserved Our Existence and Fame, as a Nation, which I trust We shall be determined never to abandon under any extremity, but shall join Hand and Heart in the solemn pledge that is proposed to Us, and declare to His Majesty, that We know great exertions are wanting, that We are prepared to make them, and at all events determined to stand or fall by the LAWS, LIBERTIES, and RELIGION of Our Country.

MR. BURKE'S SPEECH,

ON PRESENTING A PLAN FOR THE BETTER SECURITY OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF PARLIAMENT, AND THE ECONOMICAL REFORMATION OF THE CIVIL AND OTHER ESTABLISH

MENTS.

TOWARDS the close of the American war, it is well known that Great Britain was severely pressed by an extraordinary combination of difficulties, and, however popular the contest might have been in its origin, that the sentiments of the nation had undergone a considerable change respecting it.

Not the least of the causes of this national discontent which, whether well founded or not, very widely prevailed, was a notion that the publick money instead of being husbanded with care, as it ought to be at a season of such accumulated distress, was squandered with idle profusion, and wasted by unnecessary ex

pense.

Economy, indeed, became the general cry throughout the kingdom. From most of the counties, and principal cities, petitions were sent to parliament praying a thorough reform in the management of the revenue, and that a system should be introduced of vigilant attention, and strict frugality.

Conformably to these petitions, Mr. Burke, who was then an active and highly distinguished member of the opposition, matured a" Plan of reform in the constitution of several parts of the publick economy." To carry it into execution, he moved in the house of commons, on the eleventh of February, 1780, for leave to bring in certain bills for the better regulation

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of his majesty's civil establishments, for the sale of forests and other crown lands, for more perfectly uniting to the crown the principality of Wales, the counties palatine of Chester and Lancaster, and the dutchy of Cornwall. But these bills, after a violent contest, were all lost by a small majority.

The speech which he delivered in their defence is "replete with financial principle, accurate information as to the detail of establishments, their objects and use, and embellished with all the beauties of eloquence. It is the speech of wisdom, selecting from the stores of knowledge what might be practically beneficial."

Not discouraged by this discomfiture, Mr. Burke revived his bills at the succeeding session. But they were again rejected, though supported by the influence and talents of many of the leading characters of the nation. In this debate, the speech which attracted the greatest attention was the late Mr. Pitt's. It was the first time he had been heard in Parliament. Never was a debut more splendid. The fame of his talents and previous discipline had raised expectations of no ordinary pitch. But they were more than realized. From that moment he became the favourite of the house, and the darling of the country.

On a change of ministry which put Mr. Burke and his friends into power, a message was received from the throne, April the fifteenth, 1782, stating, "that his majesty taking into consideration the supplies which had been given with so much liberality, and supported with such uncommon firmness and forti tude by his people in the present extensive war, recommended to his faithful commons the consideration of an effectual plan of economy throughout all the branches of the publick expenditure."

This message was introductory to Mr. Burke's bill, which coming forward under such auspices was now carried without difficulty.

SPEECH, &c.

MR. SPEAKER,

I RISE, in acquittal of my engagement to the house, in obedience to the strong and just requisition of my constituents, and, I am persuaded, in conformity to the unanimous wishes of the whole nation, to submit to the wisdom of parliament, "A plan of reform in the constitution of several parts of the publick economy."

I have endeavoured, that this plan should include in its execution, a considerable reduction of improper expense; that it should effect a conversion of unprofitable titles into a productive estate; that it should lead to, and indeed almost compel, a provident administration of such sums of publick money as must remain under discretionary trust; that it should render the incurring of debts on the civil establishment (which must ultimately affect national strength and national credit) so very difficult, as to become next to impracticable.

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But what, I confess, was uppermost with me, what I bent the whole force of my mind to, was the reduction of that corrupt influence, which is itself the rennial spring of all prodigality, and of all disorder; which loads us, more than millions of debt; which takes away vigour from our arms, wisdom from our councils, and every shadow of authority and credit from the most venerable parts of our constitution.

Sir, I assure you, very solemnly, and with a very clear conscience, that nothing in the world has led me to such an undertaking, but my zeal for the honour of this house, and the settled, habitual, systematick affection I bear to the cause, and to the principles of government.

I enter perfectly into the nature and consequences of my attempt; and I advance to it with a tremor that shakes me to the inmost fibre of my frame. I feel, that I engage in a business, in itself most ungracious, totally wide of the course of prudent conduct;

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