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but I cannot indict him as the criminal author of my misfortune. What distinction can be more obvious and simple.

Let us only then extend these principles which were never disputed in other criminal cases, to the crime of publishing a libel; and let us at the same time allow to the jury as our forefathers did before us, the same jurisdiction in that instance, which we agree in re joicing to allow them in all others, and the system of English law will be wise, harmonious, and complete.

My lord, I have now finished my argument, having answered the several objections to my five original propositions, and established them by all the principles and authorities which appear to me to apply, or to be necessary for their support. In this process I have been unavoidably led into a length not more inconvenient to the court than to myself, and have been obliged to question several judgments which had been before questioned and confirmed.

They, however, who may be disposed to censure me for the zeal which has animated me in this cause, will at least, I hope, have the candour to give me credit for the sincerity of my intentions. It is surely not my interest to stir opposition to the decided authorities of the court in which I practise. With a seat here within the bar, at my time of life, and looking no further than myself, I should have been contented with the law as I found it, and have considered how little might be said with decency, rather than how much; but feeling as I have ever done upon the subject, it was impossible I should act otherwise. It was the first command and counsel to my youth, always to do what my conscience told me to be my duty, and to leave the consequences to God. I shall carry with me the memory, and I hope, the practice of this parental lesson to the grave. I have hitherto followed it, and have no reason to complain that the adherence to it has been even a temporal sacrifice; I have found it on the contrary, the road to prosperity and wealth, and shall point it out as such to my children. It is impossible in this country to hurt an honest man ;

but even if it were, I should little deserve that title, if I could upon any principle, have consented to tamper or temporize with a question which involves, in its determination and its consequences, the liberty of the press, and in that liberty, the very existence of every part of the publick freedom.

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SPEECH

OF THE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM PITT,

IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, RELATIVE TO THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE WITH FRANCE.

ACTUATED by a desire to terminate the war which had become so oppressive to the country, the British Government renewed in the year 1797, the negotiation for peace, by sending, on the first of June of that year, an official note to the French minister for foreign affairs, intimating their pacifick dispositions. The overture being acceded to, a negotiation was accordingly opened at Lisle, which, after a tedious discussion of several months, was abruptly broken off by the insolent declaration of the Directory, that it should not continue "except on the principle of complete restitution on the part of Britain of her conquests, made during the war without any compensation." These conditions, so dishonourable to Britain being at once rejected, Lord Malmsbury, her minister, was ordered by the French government to depart from Lisle.

On the thirtieth of December, of the same year, Mr. Pitt moved in the house of commons to take into consideration the message from the throne which he had laid before the house, announcing the failure of the negotiation, and proposed an address to his ma❤ jesty approving the conduct of ministry as related to that transaction.

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In support of the motion, he pronounced one of the most vehement, eloquent, and irresistable harangues to be met with in parliamentary history. This speech is here inserted.

SIR,

SPEECH, &c.

HAVING come to this House with the firm persuasion, that there never existed an occasion, when the unanimous concurrence of this House might be more justly expected, than on a proposal, to agree in the sentiments contained in the Address which has been read, I must confess myself considerably disappointed, in some degree, even by the speech of my Noble Relation,* much as I rejoice in the testimony which he has given of his talents and abilities, and still more by the Speech of the Honourable Baronet,+ and by the amendment which he has moved. I cannot agree with the Noble Lord in the extent to which he has stated his sentiments, that we ought to rejoice that Peace was not made; much less, Sir, can I feel desirous to accept on the part of myself, or my colleagues, either from my Noble Kinsman, or any other person, the approbation which he was pleased to express, of the manner in which We have concluded the Negotiation-WE have not concluded the Negotiation-the Negotiation has been concluded by others; We have not been suffered to continue it; Our claim to merit, if We have any; Our claim to the approbation of our country is, that We persisted in every attempt to conduct that Negotiation to a pacifick termination, as long as our enemies left us not the prospect but the chance or possibility of doing so, consistent with Our Honour, Our Dignity, and Our Safety. We lament and deplore the disappointment of the sincere wishes which we felt, and of the earnest endeavours which we employed; yet, we are far from suffering those sentiments to induce us to adopt the unmanly line of

* Earl Temple.

† Sir John Sinclair.

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