by all the weight of the government prosecution, exciting sympathies which far overweigh the indignation which the mere imputation of his guilt might well excite.

We have waded through the trial of Burr carefully, and are obliged to confess, that the few circumstances, gathered up with great industry to prove the offences charged, are insufficient to authorize the finding of a true bill by a grand jury, in any case; and we hazard the opinion, that but for the state of the times, and the intimate connection of Burr with the political events of that period, no bill of indictment ever would have been drawn, much less found. We intend by this no reproach upon the official actors in the trial. That men are not always perfectly disinterested, purely just, is sometimes not a cause of condemnation. The human mind has its insane moments, sometimes lasting through a whole generation-a species of insanity made up of the circumstances and times in which we live :-excitements caused by politics, friendships, public opinion, fears of men to ourselves and our country,-agitate us, and roll our emotions, like troubled waves, over our intelligence. Then, for the time, we are insane,-then we become tyrants, revolutionists and heroes, by turns. When these intoxications have passed away, we calmly see and profit by our errors.

It is evident that many, at the time of which we write, feared-some may have wished for—a disunion of the States. The proof that Burr was of the latter, is not so evident as that which may be brought against better men. That Burr may have supposed a disconnection of the East and North from the South-West probable, we do not deny. Such was not only the opinion, but avowed desire of many. In Kentucky, the feeling in favor of separation was general; so much so, that Mr. Jefferson wrote to friends expressing his regret that such was the feeling, and advising a separation from Virginia. That such a belief existed, was not Burr's exclusive sin. The peculiar form of government which the American people had adopted, was an experiment, the success of which was feared by many good men. Among these fears was found one arising from extent of territory. This induced an opinion, that to preserve a republican government a division of the country was essential. It is also palpable, that many persons at that period looked to the necessity of a union of Mexico with the United States. We in cline strongly to the belief, that this was the whole secret of

Burr's conduct. The fact that war was expected between the United States and Spain; that the people of the West were highly indignant at the course of the latter with respect to American commerce, are obvious. Burr, in all probability, saw the immense advantage that would accrue to the United States, from the junction of South with North-America. He clearly perceived the weakness of the Spanish dominion there; and no doubt contemplated marching upon Mexico, with all who were adventurous enough to join his standard, as soon as ever war should be declared. Many favored such a design. It is in proof that General Jackson wrote to Burr, that he was at his service in an expedition to Mexico; and the author of a late work on Texas, H. J. Foote, Esq., has collected and arranged, with great success, ample evidence that Mr. Jefferson, and other distinguished men of that day, were openly in favor of revolutionizing Mexico. Indeed, the possibility and ease with which Mexico could be subjected to the American arms, were made the subject of frequent correspondence; and the threat that such would be the result, openly made by the most reserved politicians of the period alluded to.

The proof that the government authority openly sanctioned the idea of an invasion of Mexico, is found in numerous circumstances. One fact, very important, is, that a large force was, at the period referred to, armed and drilled on the pretext of expelling a French invasion, when the French had not a ship of war on the coast.

"On the suggestion of Wilkinson," says our biographer, "Mexico was twice visited by Daniel Clark of New-Orleans. He held conferences and effected arrangements with many of the principal militia officers, who engaged to favor the revolution. The Catholic Bishop resident at New-Orleans was also consulted, and prepared to promote the enterprize. He designated those priests, of the order of Jesuits, as suitable agents, and they were accordingly employed. The Bishop was an intelligent and social man. He had been in Mexico, and spoke with great freedom of the dissatisfaction of the clergy in South America. The religious establishments of the country were not to be molested. Madame Xavier Tarjcon, Superior of the Convent of Ursuline Nuns at New-Orleans, was in the secret. Some of the sisterhood were also employed in Mexico. So far as any decision had been formed, the landing was to have been effected at Tampico."

It is very clear that Burr went to England with the intention of soliciting aid to favor the Mexican enterprize. It is also evident, that for a considerable time after his arrival, his

whole thoughts and actions were devoted to this object. The public and private efforts made to prostrate his reputation, defeated, no doubt, the scheme. Jeremy Bentham, and other celebrated reformers of the time, were doubtless enlisted in the affair. In March, 1812, Burr seems to have abandoned it entirely. It was then he wrote the subjoined letter to the South-American Agent in London. The letter is an important item in proof of our suggestion, that Burr had directed his efforts to the emancipation of that country. The letter is as follows:

London, March 23, 1812. Permit me, my dear sir, before we part, to repeat my advice and my entreaties, that you return forthwith to your native country. Believe me, you have nothing to do here, neither for your country nor yourself. So long as the treaty and alliance subsists between Great Britain and Spain, it would be absurd to expect that this government should favor the independence of the Spanish American colonies, either directly or indirectly; and even if that treaty and alliance were dissolved, your independence and your increasing greatness would be viewed with jealousy by Great Britain. The patriots of Buenos Ayres should turn their whole attention to the United States. Though the feebleness and timidity of the present administration of the United States, has hitherto restrained it from openly espousing your cause, yet the feelings of the people are warmly and almost unanimously with you. All your wants can be supplied from the United States, and nothing is wanting but money, and a better knowledge of the mode of doing things, and of the men to be addressed.

To prevent a dependence on foreign countries for arms, you should establish manufactories at home. Machinery for the manufacturing of arms could be established in a few months, and the whole expense would be saved in less than one year. The machinery, and every thing necessary for such an establishment, could be had from the United States.

Again, I pray you, not to let your country be longer deprived of your services. It would afford me very great pleasure to meet you in the United States as Minister from government.

A. B.

The following extract of a letter from J. Mills to Miranda, more fully sustains the idea of an identity of views:—

"He (Burr) is allowed on all hands, to be a man of an active, fertile, and enterprising mind; and in the present state of America, and considering the footing he has in it, it is of importance that the cause of Miranda should have him for a friend. This, my dear General, is the result of various conversations; the substance of which, I am sure, I have given you correctly."

Texas, if we believe high political authority, was a part of Louisiana: which in 1803, had been purchased of France.

It does not lie in the mouths of the men of the present day, to cry out treason, for an attempt to reclaim Texas. If this was part of Burr's design, therefore, it stands well supported at the present period. Meetings called by the drum, have been held all over the South and West, to enlist volunteers, and raise contributions of money and arms in aid of Texas, in her war with Mexico. Persons, high in authority, have organized committees and publicly called upon the people to aid in this war. We condemn in most unmeasured terms, this course, as unnational and of bad faith. But we say, its history is entitled to much consideration, in scanning the events of Burr's time, and the character of his actions. It may act as a species of barometer, by which to measure the variation of political ethics, and the changes of the moral atmosphere.

It is true, that much that we have said of Burr's views respecting Mexico, are speculations. But, it is also true that they are the most rational speculations which the evidence authorizes. They are speculations, too, made disinterestedly; with no motive to conceal what is true, or allege what is false. We cast our opinions upon the world, for what they are worth, as founded upon facts, not baseless presumptions, or misguided prejudices.

We cannot close, without a remark, which we make with all charity to the dead; in the hope of being useful to the living. It is, that the history of Aaron Burr's life and troubles, is a triumphant vindication of the truth, that the noblest of all lives, is the good man's life. All nature and all existence, seem bound together by a beautifully arranged system of harmonies. Virtue, is the inspiring agent of them all. This, the laws, and feelings of all men, good and bad prove. The outbreaks of vice and immorality immolate the aggressor, but vindicate the truth. They act like those tremendous geological convulsions, which destroy whole countries, break up mighty seas, engulf immense mountains, annihilate whole races of animals, only to prepare the atmosphere for a more etherial existence. The events of Burr's life were a moral convulsion. He was, while prosperous, impetuous, vindictive, ambitious. He leaned on himself alone, and he fell. Men took up the opinion that he was a bad man; and nothing but a life of strict morality, of Christian resignation, of Job-like meekness, could have dispelled the belief. These, he seemed to despise. He knew he had talents; and

depended on them alone. He was constitutionally cautious and reserved; and these excited suspicion. Distrust, sometimes, is improperly indulged; but when this distrust is met with a reserved haughty behavior; it becomes the parent of many breaches between men. Burr's manners and sentiments were not calculated to reduce, but rather increase distrust. It is therefore, not wonderful, that he had many and bitter enemies: nor is it strange, that on some occasions he was "more sinned against than sinning." Burr was probably condemned for many things, with regard to which, he had no evil intentions. Many men err, grossly, in carrying out measures, with respect to the propriety of which, they depend too much on their own judgments. A man had better be without judgment, than have one which sets itself up against the whole world. Public opinion may not twist the truth; but it must frequently be the guide of men's ac tions. We may not turn from virtue to conform to public sentiment; but we are obliged in questions of utility, as was told the pious Stilling, to consider whether certain means, are approved by the world. As we have said, it is now wholly indifferent to Burr, whether remembered in sorrow or in anger. We have raised the veil which covers his mortal remains, to gather wisdom for the future. Let us see and acknowledge the truth, that an humble dependence upon God, perfect faith in his providences; a strictly moral life; resignation in persecution, and forbearance and charity towards our fellow men; should be the great guides of life; and will sooner or later do ample justice to any station.