adopted citizens against the assumption of unauthorized claims by their former governments; and we urge the continual careful encouragement and protection of voluntary immigration.

Tenth. The franking privilege ought to be abolished, and the way prepared for a speedy reduction in the rate of postage.

Eleventh. Among the questions which press for attention is that which concerns the relations of capital and labor, and the Republican party recognize the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full protection and the amplest field for capital, and for labor the creator of capital, the largest opportunities, and a just share of mutual profits of these two great servants of civilization.

Twelfth. We hold that Congress and the President have only fulfilled an imperative duty in their measures for the suppression of violent and treasonable organizations in certain lately rebellious regions, and for the protection of the ballot box; and, therefore, they are entitled to the thanks of the nation.

Thirteenth. We denounce the repudiation of the public debt in any form or disguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride the reduction of the principal of the debt and of the rates of interest upon the balance, and confidently expect that our excellent national currency will be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payments.

Fourteenth. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of freedom. Their admission to wider fields of usefulness is viewed with satisfaction, and the honest demands of any class of citizens for additional rights should be treated with respectful consideration.

Fifteenth. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and re

joice in the growth of peace and fraternal feeling throughout the land.

Sixteenth. The Republican party proposes to respect the rights reserved by the people to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by them to the State and to the Federal Government. It disapproves of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing evils by interfering with rights not surrendered by the people to either the State or National Government.

Seventeenth. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest purpose, the sound judgment, the political wisdom, the incorruptible integrity, and the illustrious services of Ulysses S. Grant have commended him to the hearts of the American people, and with him at our head we start to-day upon a new march to victory."

On the 10th of June, Hon. Thomas Settle, the president, with the vice-presidents of the Convention, informed him of his nomination. He replied in the following frank and manly letter:

"EXECUTIVE-MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C.,
June 10, 1872.

}

"Hon. Thomas Settle, President of the National Republican Convention, Paul Strobach, Elisha Baxter, C. A. Sargent, and other Vice-Presidents :

"GENTLEMEN,-Your letter of this date, advising me of the action of the convention held in Philadelphia, Penn., on the 5th and 6th of this month, and of my unanimous nomination for the Presidency by it, is received.

"I accept the nomination, and through you return my heartfelt thanks to your constituents, for this mark

of their confidence and support. If elected in November, and protected by a kind Providence in health and strength to perform the high trust conferred, I promise the same zeal and devotion to the good of the whole people for the future of my official life as shown in the past. Past experience may guide me in avoiding mistakes inevitable with novices in all professions and all occupations.

"When relieved from the responsibilities of my present trust by the election of a successor, whether it be at the end of this term or the next, I hope to leave to him as executive, a country at peace within its own borders, at peace with outside nations, with an established credit at home and abroad, and without embarrassing questions to threaten its future prosperity.

"With the expression of a desire to see a speedy healing of all the bitterness between sections, parties, or races of citizens, and the time when the title of citizen carries with it all the protection and privileges to the humblest that it does to the most exalted, I subscribe myself,

"Very respectfully,

"Your obedient servant,

"U. S. GRANT."

President Grant's administration has preserved order at home, and peace with foreign nations; it has established equal rights for all throughout the land; it has reduced the burdens of taxation three hundred millions a year; paid nearly three hundred and forty-nine millions of the public debt; refunded two hundred millions at a lower rate of interest; organ

ized schools for the freedmen, diffusing the blessings of education to the ignorant and lowly; made voters of liberated slaves; it has enacted laws to secure the purity of the ballot, and enforce the right of the citizen everywhere to vote; it has protected, with friendly care, the rights of labor; it has dealt both justice and mercy to the recently convicted men at the South, who conspired against law and order; it has treated the friendless Indians with honesty and humanity; it has removed all cause of war with England for her hostile action during the rebellion; it has obtained expressions of regret for her conduct from the proudest nation on the globe, and the payment of nearly sixteen millions of dollars for her depredations on our commerce; it has illumined history by a successful effort to substitute Peace for War in the adjustment of national differences; it has gladly dispensed the nation's munificence to the soldiers and sailors of the war for the Union, their widows and orphans, — honoring both the living and the dead; and in magnanimity it has granted amnesty to the thousands of its late enemies in rebellion. An administration with such a record may safely trust itself to the justice and wisdom of a sagacious and earnest people, and the calm verdict of history.

CHAPTER XXXV.

T

CONCLUSION.

O one who has read what Gen. Grant has done, lit

tle need be said as to what manner of man he is. The outline of his life shows his ability. A Western boy, with only common advantages, he enters West Point without preparatory study, attracts notice in the Mexican War, and soon after retires from the service. At the breaking-out of the Rebellion, he is an unknown man, in the leather business, in Galena, Ill. He returns to the army as colonel of a regiment, and without friends or influence, in spite of all opposition, advances step by step on the path of victory, until the Government places in his hands the whole military power of the Union. Millions of men march at his bidding: hundreds of millions of treasure are expended by his order. He captures more prisoners than all other generals, and ends a war of four years by the overthrow of the Rebellion, amid the grateful acclamations of his countrymen, and with a world-wide renown. Such achievements are not the result of luck or accident: they are but seldom seen in history.

It is easy for military critics to say that this or that campaign by rule ought to have resulted differently. Some writers said that Badajos ought not to have been