of the powers at war with France or its allies. During the armistice, no troops belonging to any of the powers at war with France were to be landed at Stralsund, or any other part of Swedish Pomerania, or the isle of Rugen. If, how ever, there should be a debarkation of any troops at Stralsund, in consequence of superior orders unknown to general Van Essen, the general engaged, that they should not commit any act of hostility against the French. * Towards the end of the same month, April, marshal Mortier, and general Van Essen, improved the terms of mutual accommodation into a more certain prelude to a permanent peace. It was agreed, April 29th, that none of the parties should resume hostilities without giving a month's previous notice, instead of the ten days fixed by the armistice of the 18th. When the king of Sweden was informed of the armistice, and the events that led to it in Pomerania, he determined to come thither, and take the affairs of this province, political and military, into his immediate management, and accordingly arrived at Stralsund early in May. Though he was far from approving of the armistices of the 18th and 20th of April, he was sensible that those armistices, which he considered as most disgraceful, were owing, not to any misconduct on the part of the general, baron Van Essen, but to the imprudenec, and precipitation of general Armfeldt, in crossing and advancing too far with his column beyond the Peene. While general Vau Essen, therefore, was appointed governor-general of Pomerania, and decorated with the grand cross of the Swedish order of the sword, general Armfeldt obtained While Gustavus was thus employed, in reviewing and promoting his brave and loyal Swedes, he was himself not a little animated, it may be presumed, by the arrival at Stralsund of the English general Clinton, with assurances of speedy. succours of all kinds from the Bri tish government in the administration of which, there had been, on the 24th of March, a great change. The ministers, who were desirous, above all things, of peace, and who had been amused with a negotiation by Buonaparte, until he was prepared to take the field at the close of September 1806, were exchanged for others, better disposed, it was generally imagined to afford cordial, prompt, and effectual succour, and co-operation with the confederacy against the tyranny, and still growing ambition, of the ruler of France. Rapport de Baron D'Essen, &c. Reçu par S.-M. le Roi de Swède à Maimo, Scania le 24e Avril par un Courier expedié de Stralsund le zܤ. † Swedish Gazette, published at Stralsuud 14th Miny. CHAP. CHAP. III. Meeting of Parliament-His Majesty's Speech delivered to both Houses by Commission-An Address in Answer--Moved in the House of Peers, by the Earl of Jersey-Seconded by Lord Somers-Observations on the Speech by Lord Hawkesbury-Replies made to Lord Hawkesbury, and the Speech in general defended by Lord Grenville-An Address in Answer to the Speech from the Throne, moved in the House of Commons by the Hon. William Windham-Seconded by Mr. John Smith-Speech of Mr. Canning on the present Occasion, and Character of his Speeches in general.-Substitution proposed by Mr. Canning, of a new Address in place of that proposed by Mr. Lamb-Reply to Mr. Canning, and the Speech from the Throne in general defended by Lord Howick-Reply to Lord Howick, and various Strictures on the Conduct of Administration, by Lord Castlereagh-The Address, carried Nem. diss.-Thanks to General Sir John Stuart, and the Officers and Soldiers by whose valour the Victory of Maida was obtained, moved in the House of Peers by Lord GrenvilleAnd in the House of Commons by Mr. Windham.-These Motions carried in both Houses by Acclamation. THE HE new parliament that had been called in October, assem bled according to appointment, on the 15th of December. It was opened in his majesty's name, by commission. The commissioners were the archbishop of Canterbury, the Chancellor, the earl of Aylsford, and lord Walsingham. Abbot was chosen speaker in the house of commons, with universal applause. Some days were taken up, as usual, in swearing in the members of both houses. On Friday 19th, the lord chancellor delivered to both houses, what the commis. sioners had in command from his majesty. The first topic touched on in the speech.. was the late negociation with France; the papers exchanged in the course of which, his majesty had ordered to be laid before them: his majesty's efforts for the restoration of general tranquillity, on terms consistent with the interest Mr. and honour of his people, and good faith to his allies, had been disappointed by the ambition and injus. tice of the enemy, which, in the same moment,* had kindled a fresh war in Europe; and of which the progress had been attended with the most calamitous events. After witnes sing the subversion of the antient constitution of Germany, and the That is at the very moment when those efforts were made. This, thou? no very distinetly expressed, is, no doubt, the meaning. subjugation subjugation of a large portion of its most considerable estates, Prussia found herself still more nearly threatened by that danger which she had vainly hoped to avert by so many sacrifices. She had therefore, at length, been compelled to adopt the resolution of openly resisting this unremitted system of aggrandizement and conquest. But neither this determination, nor the succeed ing measures were previously con certed with his majesty nor had any disposition been shewn to offer adequate satisfaction for those aggressions which had placed the two countries in a state of mutual hostility. Yet in this situation his majesty did not hesitate to adopt without delay, such measures as were best calculated to unite their councils and interests, against the common enemy. The rapid course of the calamities which ensued, opposed iusurmountable difficulties to the execution of this purpose. In the midst of these disastrous events, and under the most trying circumstances, the good faith of his majesty's allies had remained unshakes. The conduct of the king of Sweden had been distinguished by the most honourable firmness. Between his majesty and the emperor of Russia, the happiest amity subsisted. It had been cemented by reciprocal proofs of good faith and confidence. The speech proceeded to declare, the necessity of public burthens; to recommend as great economy as was consistent with those efforts which it was necessary to make against the formidable and increasing power of the enemy; to declare his majesty's satisfaction, in witnessing an increasing energy and firmness, on the part of his people; in. the unconquerable valour and discipline of his fleets, and armies; the uuimpaired sources of our prosperity and strength; and the unity in sentiment and action of the British nation. The conclusion of the whole was, "with these advantages, and with an humble reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, his majesty is prepared to meet the exigencies of this great crisis; assured of receiving the fullest support from the wisdom of your deliberations, and from the tried affection, loyalty, and public spirit, of his brave people. An address, in answer to the speech from the throne, was moved in the house of peers, by the earl of Jersey. It was the first time of his addressing their lordships. adverting to the topics of his ma jesty's speech, the first to be noticed was, the negotiation between this country and France. As the papers respecting this subject, would shortly be laid on their lordship's table, it would not now be necessary to enter into any detailed discussion respecting the progress and result of the negotiation. It must however be evident to their lordships, from what had transpired, that it had been broken off in consequence of the imperious conduct and exor bitant demands of France. If the French government would not consent to treat on equal terms, the fault was theirs. We had deeply to lament the heavy calamities which had fallen: upon Prussia. But at the same time, it was no small satisfaction to us, that the councils of Prussia had not been precipitated into rash measures, by the instigation, or advice of this country. It was scarcely possible to find in all history, The address was seconded by lord Somers, exactly in the same train of observation, and strain of sentiment, re-echoing, illustrating, and confirming, what had been advanced in the speech from the throne. nistory, an instance of a great pow. er so totally overthrown, we might almost say annihilated, in the course of a few days. Prussia, which had made sacrifice after sacrifice to France, apparently with a view of averting war, at length rushed precipitately into hostilities, and met with an unexampled fate: an awful lesson to other states. It was, however, a source of great satisfaction that this country, when Prussia actually made an effort against the common enemy, did not hesitate, immediately to step forward, to afford her every assistance that circumstance would admit. The king of Sweden had displayed a firmness and energy, which conferred the highest honour on that monarch. The contemplation of the conduct of our faithful ally, Russia, and particularly her refusal to ratify the rash and inconsiderate act of her ministers at Paris, had also afforded the utmost satisfaction. It was true we had, in the course of a twelvemonth, lost two men of pre-eminent talents. But there was still ability left, amply sufficient to direct the energies of the country. The valour which had continued to be displayed by his majesty's fleets and armies, was an undoubted pledge of our superiority. With all these advantages, and with the great sources of our prosperity and strength unimpaired, we might look forward with confidence to the result. Relying upon ourselves, and united in sentiment and in action, we might set our enemy at defiance, and finally, he trusted bring this great contest to a successful and glorious issue. The noble earl concluded with moving, "that an humble address be presented to his majesty. "This address, as usual, was anecho of his majesty's speech. VOL. XLIX. Lord Hawkesbury, while he disclaimed all party-spirit, and heartily concurred in every general sentiment expressed in the address, could not let it pass without offering some observations on the speech which had occasioned it. The first point on which he should observe, was one not openly mentioned in the speech, but only alluded to, namely, the dissolution of parliament. He admitted the king's power to dissolve parliament, in its fullest extent and plenitude. If it were possible that parliament could acquiro legal permanence for ever so short a time, independent of the crown, there would be no security for the monarchy. But this, like every other part of the prerogative, should be exercised with a sound and wholesome discretion. What was there in the state of the country, to have justified the late unexpected and premature dissolution of par liament? of a parliament which had sat only four sessions, and had nearly three to run? From the passing of the Septennial act in 1715, there was no instance of a parliament being dissolved under six sessions, except in the precedent of 1784, which was unavoidable. At that time a mis. understanding subsisted between the crown and the house of commons, with respect to the government→→→ The opponents of ministry were supposed to be more earnest than his majesty's government, for the prosecution of the war. If the rupture of the negotiation overwhelmed ministers, with any apprehension of D difficul difficulty, the fair mode would have been, not to dissolve parliament, but to have submitted to the exist ing parliament, the whole grounds of the negotiation. Mr. Wind ham, who was the last person in the world he should suppose capable of deceit, in an address which was published, told the county of Nor. folk, that as far as he knew, there was no intention of dissolving parliament; and a proclamation appeared, in which a day was fixed for the meeting of parliament for the dispatch of business: and yet, notwithstanding these repeated as surances, a dissolution was announ. ced, to the surprise and astonishment of the whole kingdon. He would not accuse ministors of any intention to deceive the country, but the dissolution certainly had the effect of surprising it. With respect to the disasters of Prussia, lord Hawkesbury admitted, with the noble lords who had moved and seconded the motion for the address, that they had risen wholly from the narrow policy within which she had encircled herself. Had his Prussian majesty, or those who advised him, consulted history, they would have discovered, that they who lent their aid to have others devour. ed, would be at last devoured them. selves. He approved of the proceedings which had been adopted towards Prussia, in consequence of her unjust aggression of Hanover, and the measures to which she submitted against the commerce of this country. He approved also of the manner in which we suspended our particular quarrel when she was on the point of being involved in a con test with France, although he could not account for the delay which took place in communicating with her. It was not until the beginning of October, when hostilities were on the eve of commencing, that ministers had endeavoured to open a communication with Prussia. But, by this time, events had occurred which prevented the noble lord Morpeth from fulfilling his important mission. They had afterwards sent out a military mission, at the head of which, was a noble lord, Hutchinson, a member of that house. But this was not till three weeks after the return of his predecessor, at a time when it was un certain whether this expensive military mission would be able to dis cover the Prussian head-quarters, or, even a port to land in. Lord Hawkesbury in the course of his speech, introduced some strictures on the military measures of ministry, to which replies were made by lord Grenville. But, as these became afterwards subjects of formal discussions, it would be improper to notice them in this part of our narrative,-which aims not to give an account of all that was said in parliament, which would swell this ar ticle altogether beyond bounds, by which it should be limited in the history of Europe; but to relate the principal proceedings in parlia ment, and state the grounds on which these were founded.-Lord Hawkesbury, in conclusion, assented to the address, because it did not pledge their lordships to any of those points which might possibly Even the most succinct account of our most important debates in parliament that can be given, may at first sight appear to take up more than a just portion in such a history. But let it be recollected, that this is the only council that discusses with freedom the great affairs; the only mirror that reflects with any tolerable degree of truth the transactions of Europe. become |