ful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, immediate dissolution or blood, and this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional Republic or Democracy, a government of the people, by the same people, can or cannot retain its territorial integrity against its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control the Administration according to the organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this case, or any other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretences, break up their Government, and thus practically put an end to free Government upon the earth. It forces us to ask,' Is there in all Republics this inherent and fatal weakness?' Must a Government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence? So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the warpower of the Government, and so to resist the force employed for its destruction by force for its preservation."

Passing rapidly over the secession of Virginia, and the circumstances of violence and deceit by which it had been effected, and exposing the unjustness and hollowness of Kentucky's "neutrality," the President gave a brief sketch of the measures decided upon as necessary for the immediate work in hand, He then adverted to the abstract question of secession, denying, with cogent logic, its chief claims.

The pervading vein of this message-and, indeed, of every document of a similar character which he issued —is a vindication of sentiments in harmony and sym

pathy with the claims of humanity and enlightened progress.

The message concluded with the following memorable words: :

"It was with the deepest regret that the Executive found the duty of employing the war-power, in defence of the Government, forced upon him. He could but perform this duty, or surrender the existence of the Government. No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be a cure; not that compromises are not often proper, but that no popular Government can long survive a marked precedent that those who carry an election can only save the Government from immediate destruction by giving up the main point upon which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions.

"As a private citizen, the Executive could not have consented that these institutions shall perish; much less could he, in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, not even to count the chances of his own life, in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility, he has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and your actions may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens, who have been disturbed in their rights, of a certain and speedy restoration to them, under the Constitution and the laws.

"And, having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly hearts."

The action of the extra session, throughout, was in perfect accordance with the patriotic views of the Executive; a resolution, offered by M'Clernand, of Illinois, passing the House by a large majority, by which that body pledged itself to vote any amount of money and any number of men which might be requisite to suppress the rebellion. The session closed on the 6th of August, after having adopted the most energetic measures for the prosecution of the war, yet prudently avoided any action which would tend to divide or enfeeble the loyal sentiment of the nation. The people responded to the action of Congress with enthusiasm and with a unanimity truly remarkable.

The national army moved from the Potomac, under the command of General M'Dowell, on the 16th of July, and the battle of Bull Run was commenced five days thereafter-resulting in the complete discomfiture of the raw Federal forces, who fell back to Washington, a panic-stricken, disorganized mass, or in flying fragments, after sustaining a loss of 480 killed and 1,000 wounded. Had the Confederates been cognizant of the completeness of this discomfiture, the capture of Washington must have followed with certainty.

But the hand on the national helm was that of a man who had hewed his path through the primeval forests of the great West, and breasted the current of the Father of Waters with a flat-boatman's oar; and he did not quail even when the other sailors on the deck were blanched with fear. He had one object—to subdue the South; and this was to be done through defeat as well as victory. He knew that he had a people at his back strong to second him in every attempt looking to this final result; and he went forward "without fear and

with a manly heart." No one in the North was permanently discouraged by the disaster at Bull Run. The army was reorganized, increased in numbers and efficiency, and vigorous measures put under way to obtain a footing on the coast, as well as in the heart, of the South.

On the 28th of August, Fort Hatteras fell into the possession of the national forces, with all its guns and garrison. Port Royal followed, surrendering October 31st, thus giving to the Federal arms a foothold in South Carolina. Ship Island, lying between Mobile and New Orleans, was occupied December 3rd. The New Orleans expedition was then set on foot. The Confederates also were driven out of Western Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri.

General Scott resigned his position on the 31st of October, and Major-General M'Clellan was called to the command to prepare for a fresh advance upon Richmond.

Thus far the Congress had avoided, as much as possible, in the prosecution of the war, any measures in regard to slavery which would serve to excite the prejudices of the Border Slave States-the Confiscation Act affecting only those slaves who should be "required or permitted by their masters to render service to the rebellion." The same wise caution influenced the Executive.

On the 27th of May (1861), General Butler originated the term of contraband for slaves coming as fugitives to his camp. The question, "What shall we do with them ?" was a puzzler for a considerable time; but Butler began to increase his stock of contrabands in a quiet way; and, not only that, he set them to work for the Federal Government. The policy of the War

Department was exceedingly ambiguous and tender upon this subject from the outset; but it never, for a moment, dreamed of a rendition of such slaves to their masters; and, before the close of August, the war policy had so broadened out that the Secretary of War instructed General Butler to receive all fugitives coming into his lines, whether of loyal or disloyal masters; it being proposed, at the same time, that a record of such fugitives should be kept, in order to compensate loyal owners at the close of hostilities.

General Fremont was then in command of the Department of Missouri; and his remarkable order, declaring "the property, real and personal, of all persons in the State of Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to have taken an active part with their enemies in the field, is declared to be confiscated to the public use, and their slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared free men," was issued August 31st. This was, of course, transcending the authority then delegated to General Fremont, or proper for him to exercise. Congress alone could order such a decree. President Lincoln regarded it in this light. Indeed, he regarded it as exceeding the authority vested in himself by Congress, and made haste to rectify the error which was working mischief everywhere throughout the Border Slave States. On the 11th of September, he accordingly wrote to General Fremont, ordering a modification of the objectionable clause, so as to make it conform with the provisions of the Confiscation Act of August 6th, 1861.

Time has since proven the wisdom of Mr. Lincoln's course upon this exceedingly difficult and delicate subject. Efforts were continually made, from many quarters, to