withdrawn from the Federal Union, or that they could do so in any other manner than with the consent and concert of the people of the United States, to be given through a National Convention, to be assembled in conformity with the provisions of the Constitution of the United States." This communication was framed on the 15th of March, but, with the consent of the Commissioners themselves, was withheld until April 8th, when it was delivered. Its receipt and character, when made known at Charleston, were made the occasion of precipitating the tragedy of Sumter, which, it was thought, could not fail to unite all the Southern people as one man against the North.

General Beauregard, the Confederate commander at Charleston, was, accordingly, instructed to demand the surrender of Fort Sumter, around which a cordon of rebel batteries had been gradually drawn so completely as to make compulsion, in case of a refusal, merely a matter of time. General Beauregard accordingly made his demand on the 11th of April; but Major Anderson, commanding the fort, at once replied that his "sense of honour and obligations to his Government prevented his compliance." Further correspondence took place, but the unwavering, loyal soldier could not be shaken in his purpose to defend his trust, or yield it up in ruins.

It is not necessary to dwell upon the capture of Anderson and his handful of men by the combined batteries and multiplied legions of South Carolina and her sisters. On the 12th of April fire was opened, and Sumter was bombarded to its fall-the formal surrender and evacuation taking place on Sunday morning, the 14th.

The blow was at last struck-the deed accomplished The patiently-proffered olive-branch of the North and of

the Union was trampled in the dust. War was not only proclaimed-insisted upon by the South-but actually had commenced; the sword was not only drawn menacingly, but its bright blade was crimson with fratricidal blood. What was left for the North? Simply what followed-war; war for the laws, for the Constitution, for the preservation of the nation-war for honour and peace. The country had calmly borne everything up to this time—but now the cup was full to overflowing, the fratricidal hand was red with a brother's blood, and the North, springing to arms, as one man, accepted the dread alternative of war which had thus been thrust upon them. In this crisis, fortunate indeed for the Union, for liberty, and for humanity, was the North in having for a leader that man of the people, with spirit tempered to iron endurance in the great battle of life-Abraham Lincoln.

On the day after the evacuation of Sumter appeared that famous call for 75,000 men to suppress the rebellion which created such unbounded enthusiasm throughout the country. Every State still loyal responded promptly and with profusion. In a brief time after the issue of the proclamation, the patriot legions of the Union were pouring towards the capital. But dark days were included in that brief time: for an attack upon Washington, either from Virginia or Maryland, was hourly apprehended, and the small force of Volunteers which General Scott was enabled to raise from the District was but a frail protection. In this trying period the cheerfulness, courage, and trust of the chief magistrate never for one moment deserted him. And shortly after the gallant New York Seventh regiment reached the capital, bringing sunshine by its presence. The Massa

chusetts Sixth followed-the first regiment in the galaxy of glory, in having shed blood for its country, having fought its way through the pro-slavery mobs of Baltimore.

The murderous assault on the United States volunteers at Baltimore was felt as an outrage throughout the loyal States. The Baltimore and Maryland authorities pretended that their people were uncontrollable, and Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown united in a letter to the President, requesting that no more troops should pass through Maryland. In his reply, through Secretary Seward, Mr. Lincoln administered to these unpatriotic officials a severe rebuke.

On the 19th of April, Mr. Lincoln issued his proclamation, blockading the ports of seceded States. These, and several subsequent orders, were the steps by which the Government sought to defend itself; for the tone of the Southern press, as well as the declaration of Southern officials, plainly indicated that it was their purpose to push northward the war they had inaugurated at Charleston. Jefferson Davis had intimated as much long previous; and Mr. Walker, the Confederate Secretary of War, hearing that the attack on Sumter had commenced, made a speech, in which he said that, while " no man could tell where the war would end, he would prophesy that the flag which now flaunts the breeze here would float over the dome of the old Capitol at Washington before the first of May," and "might eventually float over Faneuil Hall* itself." The South already had pushed 20,000 men into Virginia; and President Lincoln was therefore fully justified in limit

* A public hall in Boston.

ing his early military operations to the defence of Washington.

Virginia was carried out of the Union about this time; other slave States followed her example; and hence, on the 27th of April, the blockade of Southern ports was extended, by proclamation, to Virginia and North Carolina. On the 3rd of May, more troops were called out, and recruits ordered to be raised for the regular army and navy.

The new Administration early devoted itself to define the position taken with reference to foreign powers. Mr. Adams, Minister to London, received instructions to govern his course which were at once prudent and manly. It was feared that the British Government, before the arrival of Minister Adams, would act in concert with France in a recognition of the South as a belligerent power. Against this Mr. Adams was instructed to make a decided protest. June 15th, the British and French Ministers at Washington requested an interview with Mr. Seward, in order to communicate certain instructions they had received from their respective Governments; but, upon learning the nature of the instructions, the Secretary of State declined to hear the instructions read, or even to receive official notice of them.

This was Mr. Lincoln's foreign policy from the commencement of the war-to utterly, decisively, resolutely refuse anything like an interference in the domestic troubles of America by foreign powers.

Congress met in extra session on the 4th of July, 1861, the Republicans having control of both Houses, besides being supported by some Democratic members who were urgent for the rigid prosecution of the war.

Hon. Galusha A. Growd, a strong war man, was chosen speaker of the House. On the 5th of July, President Lincoln communicated to Congress his first message. The President, in this communication, explained the circumstances which had preceded the bombardment of Fort Sumter in a most satisfactory and lucid manner, and thus set forth the course which he had endeavoured to pursue towards the seccded States, until their open act of bloodshed had compelled him to sterner measures.

"The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and property not already wrested from the Government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at Government expense, to the very people who were resisting the Government, and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbances to any of the people, or any of their rights, of all that which a President might constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case; everything was forborne, without which it was believed possible to keep the Government on foot."

The step had been taken and was irretrievable. If any possibility had existed of a reconstruction, the opportunity for reconciliation was gone the moment the first gun was fired at Fort Sumter. Said Mr. Lincoln—

“By the affair of Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the Government began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbour years before, for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in whatever was law