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purely legal mind that the West has ever produced; M'Dougal, who afterwards sought El Dorado; Bissell, and Shields, and Baker, brothers in arms and in council, the flower of the Western chivalry, and the brightest examples of Western oratory; Trumbull, then, as now, with a mind pre-eminently cool, crystalline, sagacious; Douglas, heart of oak and brain of fire, of energy undaunted, and courage unparalleled, ambition insatiate, and aspiration unsleeping; Lincoln, then, as afterwards, thoughtful, and honest, and brave, conscious of great capabilities, and quietly sure of the future, before all his peers in a broad humanity, and in that prophetic lift of spirit that saw the triumph of principles then dimly discovered in the contest that was to come."

Truly a singular gathering of great souls, each one of whom was destined to occupy prominent positions in their country's history.

His interest in the exciting and important political events of the day-his steadily-increasing conception of their importance not only to his own community but to the country-ere long drew him into the vortex of politics. During the presidential canvass of 1844, he 'stumped" the State of Illinois with unwearying enthusiasm. His admiration of Henry Clay, which had been early imbibed, influenced in no small degree the remainder of his life.

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The antagonism to Slavery-in which he was to become such a distinguished mover and champion-was publicly manifested as early as 1837. The Legislature of Illinois had, like most of the newer Western States, lost no occasion to appease the ruffled feelings of their "Southern brethren" upon the agitation of this subject, by the adoption of resolutions of an eminently pro

slavery type, as well as by offering other evidences of sympathy. But, in the session of 1837, when Mr. Lincoln was one of the representatives from Sangamon county, he refused to vote for several of these regularly digested resolutions for the propitiation of the slavery sentiment; and, taking advantage of a constitutional privilege, combined with his colleague from Sangamon in the following protest, which was read to the House March 3rd, 1837 ::

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"Resolutions on the subject of domestic slavery having passed both houses of the General Assembly at its present session, the undersigned hereby protest against the passage of the same.

"They believe that the institution of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy; but that the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends to increase rather than abate its evils.

"They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the different States.

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'They believe that the Congress of the United States has the power, under the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; but that the power ought not to be exercised, unless at the request of the people of said District.

"The difference between these opinions and those contained in the said resolutions is their reason for entering this protest.

"DAN. STONE,

"A. LINCOLN,

"Representatives from the county of Sangamon." In the election of 1844-already referred to-the

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tariff question being the main subject at issue-Mr. Lincoln's name headed the Whig electoral ticket, as opposed to John Calhoun's* on the Democratic side. Calhoun was then regarded as the ablest debater of his party in Illinois. They "stumped" the State together, usually making speeches, on alternate days, at each place, where they were listened to generally by large audiences. The canvass proved how thoroughly he had studied the question in all its bearings-how exhaustively he had read history and political economy. He demonstrated not only his own native strength as a debater, but his accomplishments as a well-read student and statesman. He spoke with that directness and precision, which are ever most forcible in popular addresses. manner was familiar, as if talking to a large circle of friends—a feature of his oratory which became one of his peculiar characteristics. We say oratory, yet it would hardly be termed such in the Ciceronian sense of the word. The very familiarity of his discourse, the homeliness of his illustrations, the quiet good-humour of his temper, and the seemingly inexhaustible fund of anecdote and story ever ready at his command, served to invest his speeches with something of the characteristics of the harangue; yet, his simple words were weighty with an eloquence which swayed not only the hearts but the judgments of his hearers, and few men ever left an audience under greater weight of obligation for truths spoken and principles enunciated. He came out of that first canvass the conceded champion of the Whig party and policy in the State, and was soon made to assume still

* This Calhoun will not be confounded with the great pro-slavery propounder, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina. ED.

more important functions in public life by representing his district in the United States Congress.

Mr. Lincoln was elected to Congress from the central district of Illinois in 1846: and took his seat in that body on the first Monday in December, 1847.

Mr. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, was elected Speaker of the House. This House was replete with the best talent of the country; and it proved one of the most agitated and agitating sessions ever convened in Washington. Enrolled with Mr. Lincoln, as Whigs, were such names as Collamer, Tallmage, Ingersoll, Botts, Clingman, Stephens, Toombs, and Thompson; while, opposed to him in politics, were others not less distinguished, of whom we may mention Wilmot, Bocock, Rhett, Linn, Boyd and Andrew Johnson-the latter afterwards his associate and coadjutor in the great work of restoring the Union, and now his successor to the Presidency. Such conspicuous lights as Webster, Calhoun, Dayton, Davis, Dix, Dickinson, Hale, Bell, Crittenden and Corwin constituted a senatorial galaxy which seldom has been outshone.

Mr. Lincoln was the only representative from his State who had been elected under the Whig standard— his six colleagues being all Democrats.

He entered into the spirit of his new duties with characteristic energy, voting pro or con on every important question, ever ready with his tongue for the argumentative contest, always exhibiting that capability and good sense which distinguished him through life."

Mr. Giddings having presented a memorial (December 21st, 1847) from certain citizens of the District of Columbia, asking for the repeal of all laws upholding the slave-trade within its limits, a motion was made to

lay it on the table, when Mr. Lincoln voted in the negative.

Although he went with the majority of the Whig party in opposing the declaration of war with Mexico, he invariably supported, with his vote, any bill or resolution having for its object the sustenance of the health, comfort, and honour of our soldiers engaged in the war. On the 22nd of December, he introduced, with one of his characteristically humorous and logical speeches in their favour, a series of resolutions, keenly criticizing the motives which had brought about the war. In later years, it was charged against Mr. Lincoln by those whose political enmity he had incurred, that he lacked a genuine patriotism, inasmuch as he had voted against the Mexican war. The charge was sharply and clearly made by Judge Douglas at the first of their joint discussions, in the senatorial contest of 1858. Mr. Lincoln replied: "I was an old Whig, and whenever the Democratic party tried to get me to vote that the war had been righteously begun by the President, I would not do it. But when he (Judge Douglas), by a general charge, conveys the idea that I withheld supplies from the soldiers who were fighting in the Mexican war, or did anything else to hinder the soldiers, he is, to say the least, grossly and altogether mistaken, as a consultation of the records will prove to him."

Mr. Lincoln's congressional career, though brief, was important and brilliant to a singular degree, and is well worthy of a diligent study by the student in statesmanship.

On the right of petition, Mr. Lincoln voted repeatedly against laying on the table, without consideration, petitions in favour of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.

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