the crown of Ireland is an imperial crown, inseparably annexed to the crown of Great Britain, on which connection the interests and happiness of both nations essentially depend; but that the kingdom of Ireland is a distinct kingdom, with a parliament of her own, the sole legislature thereof; that there is no body of men competent to make laws to bind this nation, except the king, lords, and commons of Ireland; nor any other parliament which hath any authority or power, of any sort whatsoever, in this country, save only the parliament of Ireland; to assure his majesty, that we humbly conceive that in this right the very essence of our liberties exists; a right which we, on the part of all the people of Ireland, do claim as their birth right, and which we cannot yield BUT WITH

OUR LIVES.

"To assure his majesty, that we have seen with concern certain claims advanced by the parliament of Great Britain, in an act, entitled, An act for the better securing the dependancy of Ireland; an act containing matter entirely irreconcileable, to the fundamental rights of this na tion. That we conceive this act, and the claims it advances, to be the great and principal cause of the discontents and jealousies in this kingdom.

"To assure his majesty, that his majesty's commons of Ireland do most sincerely wish that all bills which become law, in Ireland, should receive the approbation of his majesty, under the great seal of Britain; but that yet we do consi

der the practice of suppressing our bills in the councils of Ireland, or altering the sume any where, to be another just cause of discontent and jealousy.

"To assure his majesty, that an act, entitled an act for the better accommodation of his majesty's forces, being unlimited in duration, and defective in other instances, but passed in that shape, from the particular circumstances of the times, is another just cause of discontent and jealousy in this kingdom.

"That we have submitted these the principal causes of the present discontent and jealousy of Ireland, and remain in humble expectation of redress.

"That we have the greatest reliance on his majesty's wisdom, the most sanguine expectation from his virtuous choice of a chief governor, and great confidence in the wise, auspicious, and constitutional councils, which we see with satisfaction his majesty has adopted.

"That we have moreover a high sense and veneration of the British character, and do therefore conceive that the proceedings of this country, founded as they are in right, and tempered by duty, must have excited the approbation and esteem instead of wounding the pride of the British nation.

"And we beg leave to assure his majesty, that we are the more confirmed in this hope, inasmuch as the people of this kingdom have never expressed a desire to share the freedom of England,

without declaring a determination to share her fate likewise, STANDING AND FALLING WITH THE BRITISH NATION."

It is not perhaps generally known, that notwithstanding the declared unaniinity between the administration and the patriots, these resolutions were objected to at the castle; not perhaps in substance, for the English ministry meant fairly, but some modifications were proposed, which would have diminished their weight and efficacy, Perhaps the Duke of Portland might have imagined that they would not be acceded by the British cabinet unless in some degree altered, Lord Charlemont had some interviews with his grace upon the subject, and declared that it was the intention of his friends as well as himself to move the resolutions in both houses without any alteration, and that administration might take what part it pleased. In such a state of uncertainty were matters, that when the house of commons met it was not known by Lord Charlemont, or his particular friends, whether the resolutions or address which Mr. Grattan intended to move would be opposed or not; and it was doubtless to his knowledge of these particular circumstances that we may ascribe his strong declaration, in the latter part of his speech, of the terms upon which he would consent to serve the ministry. Without the existence of some such teeling on his part it is impossible not to consider that introduction of himself and his "singularity" as partaking of ego

tism; but with the admission of these facts, which were doubtless known to his confidential political friends, the whole proceeding becomes intelligible and decorous.

The opposition that was obscurely anticipated from government did not take place. Mr. Grattan's motion was unanimously carried, and a congratulatory address to the Duke of Portland being voted, the house adjourned for three weeks, on the 4th of May, 1782, to allow time for deliberation in the British cabinet upon their claim to a declaration of rights. On May 17, 1782, the great question was brought before the British parliament on the same night in both houses; in the house of commons by Mr. Fox, and in the peers by the Earl of Shelburne. Both these statesmen prefaced their respective motions with speeches of profound legislative wisdom and conftitutional knowledge. Their resolutions, which were of course alike, were as follow:

"First, that it was the opinion of that house, that the act of the 6th of Geo. I. intituled An act for the better securing the dependency of Ireland upon the crown of Great Britain, ought to be repealed.

"Second, that it was the opinion of that house, that it was indispensible to the interests and happiness of both kingdoms that the connexion between them should be established by mutual consent upon a solid and permanent footing, and that an humble address should be presented to his

majesty, that his majesty would be graciously pleased to take such measures as his majesty, in his royal wisdom, should think most conducive to that important end."

In the commons there was not one dissentient voice; in the peers Lord Loughborough alone spoke against the motions. The Earl of Carlisle spoke in favour of them, and bore an honourable testimony to the zeal and loyaly of the Irish, alluding particularly to the Irish volunteers, who, had made a tender of their services when Ireland was threatened with invasion.

On the 27th May the Irish parliament met according to adjournment, when the viceroy, in a speech from the throne, informed them, that the British legislature had concurred in a resolution to remove the causes of their discontents and jealousies, and had united in a desire to gratify every wish expressed in their late addresses to the throne. The speech being read, Mr. Grattan bore testimony to the unconditional manner in which Great Britain had relinquished every right that militated against the independence of Ireland; they had acquired a constitution, and their business was to maintain it. He recommended that they should make an unconditional grant to England of 100,000l. for raising 20,000 Irish seamen for the British navy, which were afterwards voted. And he then moved an address, dignified, and worthy of the cause to which it related. Almost every member in the house