cluded, by professing himself attached to the measure only by the love of his country, and his conviction that the interests of that country would be promoted permanently and effectually by an an incorporation of the two legislatures. Mr,, Plunket, in an able and argumentative speech, spoke against the union, and for the amendment. He boldly asserted, that base and wicked, as was the object proposed, the means used to effect it had been more flagitious and abominable. He had been induced to think that they had at the head of the executive government of that country, a plain honest soldier unaccustomed to, and disdaining the intrigues of politics, and who, as an additional evidence of the directness and purity of his views, had chosen for his secretary a simple and modest youth, (Puer ingenui cultus ingenuique pudoris) whose inexperience was the voucher of his innocence; yet was he bold to say that during the viceroyalty of that unspotted veteran, and during the administration of that unassuming stripling, within the last six weeks a system of black corruption had been carried on within the walls of the castle, which would disgrace the annals of the worst period of the history of either country, He concluded an eloquent harangue by declaring that for his own part he would resist the measure to the last gasp of his existence, and to the last drop of his blood, and when he felt the hour of his dissolution approaching he would,

like the father of Hannibal, take his children to the altar and swear them to eternal hostility against the invaders of their country's freedom *.

A lengthened discussion still ensued. Almost every member who had ever spoken in that house now delivered his sentiments. At length, after a debate of twenty two hours, they divided when the numbers were,

Ayes 105.

Noes 106.

Leaving a majority of only one in favour of

ministers.

Meanwhile the measure was being prosecuted in the English parliament, for so sanguine was the minister in his expectations of success that without waiting to know the issue in the Irish legislature, he opened his plan on the same day, viz. the 22d of January. A message was des

*Much of the opposition to this measure evidently arose from local, personal, or party prejudice.. Its policy was too much discussed under the influence of one or other of those feelings. Men of enlarged faculties who contemplated the question free from any of these partialities, have concurred in the wisdom of an incorporate union; among others Montesquieu; who said to Lord Charlemont," Were I an Irishman I should certainly wish for an union, and as a general lover of liberty, I sincerely desire it; and for this plain reason, that an inferior country connected with one much her superior in force can never be certain of the permanent enjoyment of constitutional freedom, unless she has by her representatives a proportional share in the legislature of the superior kingdom."

livered from the sovereign to the British peers, by Lord Grenville, recommending a union in the following terms: "His majesty is persuaded that the unremitting industry with which our enemies persevere in the avowed design of affecting the separation of Ireland from this kingdom, cannot fail to engage the particular attention of parliament, and his majesty recommends it to this house to consider of the most effectual means of counteracting and finally defeating this design; and he trusts that a review of all the circumstances, which have recently occurred, (joined to the sentiments of mutual affection and common interest) will dispose the parliaments of both kingdoms to provide in the manner, which they shall judge most expedient, for settling such a complete and final adjustment, as may best tend to improve and perpetuate a connexion essential to their common security, and to augment and consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the British empire." Some little discussion ensued both in the lords and commons upon this communication; the great effort being reserved for the 31st of January, when Mr. Pitt, after a very elaborate speech in support of the business, presented to the house the following eight resolutions as embracing the general outline of the intended union.

I." In order to promote and secure the essential interests of Great Britain and Ireland, and to consolidate the strength, power, and resources

of the British empire, it will be adviseable to concur in such measures, as may tend to unite the two kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland into one kingdom, in such manner, and on such terms and conditions as may be established by acts of the respective parliaments of his majesty's said kingdoms.

II. "It would be fit to propose as the first article, to serve as a basis of the said union, that the said kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland shall, on a day to be agreed upon, be united into one kingdom, by the name of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

III. "For the same purpose it would be fit to propose, that the succession to the monarchy and the imperial crown of the said united kingdom, shall continue limited and settled, in the same manner, as the imperial crown of the said kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland now stands limited and settled, according to the existing laws, and to the terms of the union between England and Scotland.

IV. For the same purpose it would be fit to propose, that the said united kingdom be repre sented in one and the same parliament, to be stiled the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland; and that such a number of lords spiritual and temporal, and such a number of members of the house of commons, as shall be hereafter agreed upon by the acts of the respective parliaments as aforesaid, shall sit and

i

vote in the said parliament on the part of Ireland, and shall be summoned, chosen and returned, in such manner, as shall be fixed by an act of the parliament of Ireland previous to the said union; and that every member hereafter to sit and vote in the said parliament of the united kingdom shall, until the said parliament shall otherwise provide, take, and subscribe the said oaths, and make the saine declarations as are by law required to be taken, subscribed, and made, by the members of the parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland.

V." For the same purpose it would be fit to propose, that the Churches of England and Ireland, and the doctrine, worship, discipline, and government thereof, shall be preserved as now by law established.

་

VI." For the same purpose it would be fit to propose, that his majesty's subjects in Ireland, shall at all times be entitled to the same privileges, and be on the same footing in respect of trade, and navigation, in all ports and places belonging to Great Britain, and in all cases with respect to which treaties shall be made by his majesty, his heirs, or successors, with any foreign power, as his majesty's subjects in Great Britain; that no duty shall be imposed on the import or export between Great Britain and Ireland, of any articles now duty free; and that on other articles there shall be established, for a time to be limited, such a moderate rate of equal duties as shall, previous to the union, be agreed upon and approved by the