"The military organization was grafted on the civil. The secretary of each of the simple societies was its non-commissioned officer, serjeant, or corporal. The delegate of five simple societies to a lower baronial committee was commonly cap tain over these five, that is, of a company of 60 men; and the delegate of ten lower baronial to to an upper, or district committee, was generally colonel of a battalion of 600 men, composed of the 50 simple societies, under the superintendance of this upper committee. Out of three persons, whose names were transmitted from the colonels of each county to the directory, one was appointed by that body to act as adjutant-general of the county. To complete the scheme, a military committee was appointed by the directory, but not -before the beginning of the following year, to contrive plans for the direction of the national force in unaided rebellion or co-operation with an invading army. All the members of the union were ordered to furnish themselves with guns or pikes according to their ability. To form a pecuniary fund for the expences of this revolutionary plan, monthly subscriptions, according to the zeal and circumstances of the members, were collected in the several societies, and treasurers appointed by suffrage for their collection and disbursement,"

Thus carefully and skilfully was this general scheme of rebellion arranged; but the vigilance or vigour of government finally subverted all the

plans of the traitors. It was computed, that in May, 1797, the number of united Irishmen in Ulster alone amounted to nearly 100,000. The main strength of the union, indeed, lay in that province and in the metropolis, with the neighbouring counties of Kildare, Meath, Westmeath, and King's County. The other parts of the kingdom were comparatively quiet, but the disaffected took every every means to disturb that repose. Emissaries were dispatched among the catholics of the west and south to create and foment discord. The most infamous falsehoods were resorted to in furtherance of this project. Fabricated accounts of dreadful massacres committed by the protestants upon the catholics were industriously cir culated. The Orange-men were represented as having entered into the most solemn engagements to wade knee deep, or even saddle deep, in the blood of the catholics if it should be necessary in order to subdue them. Pretended oaths, binding them to this dreadful purpose, were even printed and sedulously dispersed, in order to arm the catholics with the strongest of all resentments, those which spring from the necessity of self-defence. The Orange-men, on the other hand, publicly disavowed these oaths, and though the society was daily increasing, they were anxious to shew that they united only for legitimate and constitutional purposes.

In the summer of this year (1797) Mr. Lewins acted as the accredited minister of the Irish union

to negotiate with the French directory and the court of Spain for men, arms, and money. The executive of the union, however, wished only for so much assistance as might enable them to subvert the government, leaving the power of the country afterwards in their own bands: They were not ignorant that traitors often fell victims to their own snares, and that to invite a foreign state to assist in domestic rebellion commonly ended in the subjugation of the rebellious by their coadjutors. The French, on the other hand, were very naturally disinclined to lend any assistance which should not have for its ultimate object the retention of Ireland as a dependent conquest of that country. The memoir to the French direc tory, with which Dr. M'Neven was charged, fell into the hands of government—a proof of their vigilance or the treachery of some of the conspirators. From that memoir it appears, that the demands of the party went to a force not exceeding 10,000 and not less than 5000, with 40,000. stand of arms, and a proportionate supply of artillery, ammunition, engineers, experienced officers, &c. &c. The negotiation was prosperously carried on. The French directory sent a confidential person to London to collect information respecting the state of Ireland. He was met thero by Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and in consequence of what was then communicated great preparations both in the Texel and Brest were made for the invasion of Ireland, In the beginning of

October the approach of the French was confi dently announced to the different societies throughout Ireland. The troops were actually on board, commanded by General Daendells, but they were suddenly disembarked. The Dutch fleet, contrary to the opinion of their own admiral, was ordered by the French government to put to sea. It did so, and the consequence was Lord Duncan's memorable victory off Camperdown.

The parliament, which had assembled this year year on the 6th of January, was, after several şittings and adjournments, prorogued on the 3d of July, and dissolved by proclamation on the 11th. In the English legislature Lord Moira and Fox both endeavoured to draw the attention of government to the condition of Ireland, in the hope that measures of conciliation and lenity might bẻ adopted. Their efforts failed however. The ma jority in the Irish cabinet were bent upon coercion and severity, and their preponderance was so great that they utterly controlled the more pacific wishes of the viceroy.

The elections for the new parliament passed over in a manner which shewed that the people either had very little confidence in parliament, from the manner in which members were returned, or that they were anticipating results of a different description, and towards which no parliament could afford them aid. Mr. Grattan declined accepting any seat, and Lord Edward Fitzgerald, adopting the sentiments upon which that illustrious

patriot had decided not to sit in parliament, identified his yet concealed traitorous intentions with the open and avowed motives of Grattan. The new parliament met, according to proclamation, on the 9th January, 1798, and Mr. Foster was re-elected speaker. On the 15th his excellency delivered a speech from the throne. It continued to sit and do business, but so little interest did the public take in their proceedings (agitated as that public was by rumours of a dreadful commotion near at hand) that the galleries were wholly deserted, and scarcely sufficient members attended to make a house.

Meanwhile the views of the unionists began to display themselves. Repeatedly disappointed in their expected succour from France, it became necessary that they should make one grand effort in behalf of the cause they had originated and fostered. Many parts of Leinster and Munster were in the actual possession of the united Irishmen. A military committee was appointed by the executive council of the rebels, detailed instructions were given to the adjutant-generals, and thanks were voted to the several colonels for their assiduity in embodying and organizing the people. Nocturnal insurrections became frequent. The town of Cahir, in Tipperary, was invested in open day by a party of 800 men, chiefly cavalry, They searched for arms, and evacuated it without further molestation. Murders and other atrocities drove many of the loyal inhabitants of the