wards Lord Kilwarden and Lord Norbury.) This was the sum and substance of his letter; yet, it is hardly to be supposed, as some have attempted to insinuate, that he was recalled, merely, because he had dismissed Mr. Beresford. It is a more probable solution of the mystery, that as he went out without the direct wish of Pitt, and was rapidly carrying measures to which that minister. never cordially assented, any pretext was laid hold of to remove him from his post. Rumours of this intended removal soon began to spread, and parliament, and the country were equally astonished and indignant. The extraordinary $um of 1,700,0001. had been voted for carrying on the war, and it was now thought that the appointment of Lord Fitzwilliam was only a political juggle to induce the Irish parliament to vote such a sum under his auspices, from the expectation of important benefits to be derived from his administration. In pursuance of this sentiment, so generally felt, Mr. Conolly, moved on the 2nd of March, the three following resolutions, " 1. That his Excellency Earl Fitzwillian had, by his conduct since his arrival in that kingdom, merited the thanks of that house, and the confidence of the people. 2. That to prorogue the parliament, before the grievances, of which the people complained wore redressed, would be highly inexpedient 3. That the foregoing resolutions be laid before his majesty." The first of these resolutions

was carried unanimously; the two other, at the instance of Lord Milton, and Mr. Grattan, were withdrawn.

The recall of Lord Fitzwilliam was decided upon, and nothing but cheerless despondency sat on every brow in Ireland. Whether his lordship's continuance would really have produced those exalted benefits to the country which were implied in the general sorrow for his departure; or, whether the Irish nation believing him sincere in his intentions anticipated the performance of all that was wished, must for ever remain a matter of unfruitful speculation. One thing is certain, there never had been a viceroy in Ireland who so thoroughly possessed the love and confidence of the people. Extraordinary measures were resorted to, in the phrensy of their devotion. The catholics of Dublin, deputed three of their body to present a petition to the king at his levee, praying that his majesty would be graciously pleased to continue his excellency in the govern ment of Ireland. In the house of lords the Duke of Leinster, moved a resolution nearly similar to the first of those moved by Mr. Conolly, in the commons. Mr. Grattan, in his ambiguous reply to the address of the catholics to him, passed the highest encomium upon his excellency. All ranks of people adored; and in the fervour of their adoration they worshiped the ascribed and real qualities of their deity. But all was fruitless. On the 25th of March, after a vicegerency of

little more than two months, he took his departure from Ireland. "It was a day of general gloom,"

says Mr. Plowden; "the shops were shut, no business of any kind was transacted, and the whole city put on mourning. His coach was drawn to the water side, by some of the most respectable citizens, and cordial sorrow appeared on every countenance."-When the reader peruses this, he can hardly persuade himself that this beneficent being, whose loss was deplored as a national calamity, had really done nothing; not because he was unwilling to do any thing, but because he had been denied the necessary time for accomplishing any one beneficial act. Surely then, an impartial spectator of such extravagant love and admiration, may smile at the credulity of a people who prostrate themselves before a fallible divinity, for mercies that they hope to experience, and for blessings they expect to enjoy.

The successor of this speculative viceroy was Earl Camden, and being understood to arrive as the avowed agent of the minister, who had robbed the people of their idol, his reception was peculiarly ungracious. It was found necessary even to call out the military to prevent outrage. When, on the 13th of April, Lord Cole, moved a congratulatory address to his excellency upon his arrival, Mr. Grattan said he felt more strongly inclined to condole with the country on the recal of Lord Fitzwilliam than to congratulate it on the appointment of Lord Camden. It passed how

ever without a division. On the 4th of May, the second reading of the catholic bill came on. The solicitor general moved that it should be rejected. An animated and lengthened debate took place, in the course of which it was, for the first time, urged that the king could not give his assent to such a bill without violating his coronation oath Mr. Arthur O'Connor, made a brilliant speech in defence of the bill, which so offended his uncle Lord Longueville, who had brought him into parliament, that he sent for him next day, and desired him to vacate his seat which he accordingly did. At ten o'clock in the inorning the house divided, when there were 155 for rejecting the bill, and 84 against it. Thus perished the hopes of the catholics for this time. This was the only measure of importance agitated during the session, and on the 5th of June, parliament was prorogued,

During the recess the rising discontents of the people manifested themselves more and more, Violent outrages now began to be committed. The chancellor was wounded in his carriage by a stone thrown at his head; and the house of Mr. John Claudius Beresford was assailed. The latter was peculiarly obnoxious, because of the powerful political interest of his family, and the way in which that interest was exerted. The different societies now began to shield themselves from the scrutiny of government, by oaths of secrecy and mysterious proceedings. Their ostensible object was

parliamentary reform and catholic emancipation: this seduced many heedless persons to unite with them, who would have shrunk from the connexion had they fully known the extent of their traitorous designs. Messrs. O'Connor, Emmett, and Dr. M'Neven were active members of these societies, and while in prison they published a detailed ac count of their origin and progress. The following is part of their statement.

"The first of these societies, as we best recollect, in the year 1795, in order to insure co-operation and uniformity of action, organized a system of committees, baronial, county and provincial, and even national, but it was long before the skeleton of this organization was filled up. While the formation of these societies was in agitation, the friends of liberty were gradually, but with a timid step, advancing towards republicanism; they began to be convinced that it would be as. easy to obtain a revolution as a reform, so obstinately was the latter resisted: and as the conviction impressed itself on their minds, they were inclined not to give up the struggle, but to extend their views; it was for this reason that in their test the words are, an equal representation of all the people of Ireland, without inserting the word, parliament. This test embraced both the republican and the reformer, and left to future circumstances to decide to which point the common strength should be directed; but still the whole body we are convinced, would rejoice to stop short at re