178 A catholic bill introduced by Sir H. Langrishe.' intimidating our protestant brethren, much less the legislature; and that we disclaim the violent and turbulent intentions imputed to us in some of the public prints, and circulated in private conversation.

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"Resolved, That we refer to the known disposition of the Roman catholics in this kingdom, to our dutiful behaviour during a long series of years, and particularly to the whole tenor of our late proceedings, for the full refutation of every charge of sedition and disloyalty.

"Resolved, That for the more ample and detailed exposure of all the evil reports and calumnies circulated against us, an address to our protestant fellow-subjects, and to the public in general, be printed by the order and in the name of the general committee."

On the very day that these moderate and welltimed resolutions were passed by the general committee, Sir Hercules Langrishe introduced his bill, which was read and ordered to be printed. The great body of the catholics, however, was but little satisfied with the provisions of this bill, and more especially because they entertained a notion that a more comprehensive one was originally intended, but afterwards abandoned in consequence of the intrigues of some artful, and the weak alarms of some credulous, people. While the measure, therefore, was in progress through the legislature, the committee drew up the following petition, calculated to remove cer-

tain existing prejudices, and which was signed by fifty of the most respectable catholic commercial characters of Dublin. It was presented by Mr. Egan, and ordered to lie on the table.

"To the Right Hon. the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, in Parliament assembled.

"The petition of the undersigned Roman Catholics, in behalf of themselves, and the Roman Catholics of Ireland,

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"That as the house has thought it expedient to direct their attention to the situation of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, and to a further relaxation of the penal statutes still subsisting against them, they beg leave, with all humility, to come before the house with the most heartfelt assurance of the wisdom and justice of parliament, which is at all times desirous most graciously to attend to the petitions of the people: they therefore humbly presume to submit to the house their entreaty, that they should take into their consideration whether the removal of some of the civil incapacities under which they labour, and the restoration of the petitioners to some share in the elective franchise, which they enjoyed long after the Revolution, will not tend to strengthen the protestant state, add new vigour to industry, and afford protection and happiness

to the catholics of Ireland; that the petitioners refer with confidence to their conduct for a century past to prove their uniform loyalty and sub. mission to the laws, and to corroborate their solemn declaration, that if they obtain from the justice and benignity of parliament such relaxation from certain incapacities, and a participation in that franchise, which will raise them to the rank of freemen, their gratitude must be proportioned to the benefit; and that enjoying some share in the happy constitution of Ireland, they will exert themselves with additional zeal in its conservation."

This petition did not accomplish its object, for when the catholic question came to be regularly discussed, every one, limited his notions of concession to the boundaries laid down in the bill, and many, not satisfied with that, entered into specific pledges never to concede the elective franchise, which they deemed incompatible with the protestant ascendancy in Ireland. It is needless to add, that Mr. Grattan supported the bill, though instructed by his constituents, the corporation of Dublin, to oppose it; but he was too firm a patriot to sacrifice the rights of four millions of his fellow-subjects to the bigotted and ' ill-founded prejudices of a few. This conduct on the part of Mr. Grattan was likewise a practical answer to an absurd notion entertained by some political writers, that a member of parliament is

to be bound by what he knows to be the wishes and desires of his constituents. But the prin ciples and the practice of the constitution are alike hostile to this doctrine, for every man who sits in parliament is presumed to exercise his free and unbiassed judgment upon all questions coming before him, and to legislate, not only for the particular community that sends him there, but for the empire at large, whose collected interests are entrusted to the general body of representatives. A contrary system would convert the parliament of the nation into an assembly of deputies, each acting for his own constituent body, and none acting for the aggregate concerns of the realm.

The bill finally passed without any essential alteration, and afterwards several other popular measures were brought forward by the opposition, but none of them were successful. The state of parties was much the same as in the preceding session. When the money-bills were carried up to the lords, the speaker addressed the lord-lieutenant in an adulatory speech, strongly inculcating the necessity of keeping up the protestant ascendancy, and with it the continuance of the many blessings the kingdom then enjoyed. On the 13th April, 1792, parliament was prorogued, when his excellency assured both houses, "that he had his majesty's commands to express his approbation of the wisdom that had guided their proceedings during the present session, espe

182 The British cabinet favourable to the catholics. cially in the liberal indulgences they had afforded to their Roman catholic brethren."

This declaration on the part of government was regarded by the catholics as a convincing proof that the British cabinet was really more favour able to their claims than a considerable portion of their own countrymen, and they were consequently encouraged to persevere in their efforts after more comprehensive concessions.