take to themselves the whole or any part of the fubjects property, without their own confent; becaufe that would be, in effect, to leave them no property at all." Nor is the practice of the British parliament, in impofing taxes upon the people at all repugnant to this maxim, whatever our Author may have advanced to the contrary; becaufe though bills of fupply are originated by the commons, affented to by the lords, and complimented with the royal thanks, yet this is not done in a legiflative capacity, as the lords and commons do but make a pecuniary donation to the crown, the former in behalf of themfelves, and the latter as the reprefentatives of the people.

This may be eafily demonftrated, by many facts in the political hiftory of England. Thus it appears, that while the houfe of commons anciently granted the crown fupplies from thofe counties, cities, and boroughs which they reprefented, other parts of the realm, which had no reprefentation therein, fuch as the principality of Wales, the counties palatine of Chefter, &c. were allowed to tax themfelves, in a mode adapted to the peculiar circumftances of their diftin&t fituation: and when the commons afterwards affumed the power of granting fupplies for thofe places, the king, deeming the measure repugnant to the principles of the conftitution, fufpended the collection of thofe grants, till an equal reprefentation was allowed them. To this may be added, that the clergy, though bound to obey the general laws of the realm, were anciently allowed to tax themfelves. Ireland, likewife, has invariably yielded obedience to the laws of this kingdom, for regulating its policy and commerce; and yet there is no Irifhman, who would not think the British legiflature committed a moft unjust and oppreffive act in impofing a land tax of one penny per pound on his eftate, though our Author acknowleges that this tax would be as just as any whatever; and I flatter myself that the colonies have as equitable and rational pretenfions to an exemption from taxation, by an affembly in which they have no delegate, as the people of Ireland, which is in reality a conquered country, brought into fubjection by Henry the Second, jure gladii, and fubmitting on this express condition,

The people and kingdom of Ireland fhall be governed by the fame mild laws, as thofe which govern the people of England." It is likewife to be remembered, that when king Charles the Second, difgufted with the New-England colonies on account of their former attachment to the commonwealth, brought writs of fcire facias against their charters, under various pretences, the principal offence, for which judgment was given in chancery against the Maflachufet:s-Bay, was, as our Author confeffes, that the colony had undertaken to raise money for the fupport and defence of government, for which

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there was no particular authority in its charter, although it contained ample power of legislation, by an act which the colonies were alone authorized to believe, that the right of making laws, and that of impofing taxes are not neceffarily vested in the fame body; they being, by the British constitution, diftinct and feparate acts; the former of which is to be exercited by the fupreme legislature, and the latter by the people, or their delegates only. This, and the preceding inftances, therefore, will fufficiently justify the colonies from that abfurdity with which our Author charges their conduct, in acknowledging the fupremacy of parliament, and yet denying its right of taxation.'

The propofal offered for terminating the difpute, is briefly mentioned in the under-cited paffage.

I have already declared, that if it could be thought practicable to unite the colonies to Great Britain in a civil capacity, and on an equal bafis of freedom, I fhould wish my countrymen to participate the happiness of British laws and government: but the distance, which nature has interpofed, creates infuperable obftacles to this union. The expence and inconvenience which must attend a reprefentation from a country fo remote; the little advantage it could produce to a people, who, from their fituation, could have no opportunity of knowing or directing the conduct of their delegates; the infufficiency and imperfection of laws, made by perfons unacquainted with the ftate of thofe for whom they are made; and the frequent neceffity of present and immediate legiflation, joined to the great deleynd expence that would neceffarily attend all private bills, are mportant difficulties, as muft render government, in thefe circumliances, a grievance to them, rather than a benefit. To this let me add, that the executive authority, unconftrained by the legislative power of the colonies, would become oppreffive, and the people of America, deprived of their affemblies, would become victims to the tyranny and rapacity of every haughty, avaricious, or needy governor, difposed to avail himfelf of the advantages deducible from their diftance, and his own connection and intereft with thofe in power. To these might be added many other obstacles of a fimilar nature, which are fufficiently known, and abundantly prove the impracticability of an American reprefentation in parliament, without which the colonies cannot be united to Great Britain in a civil capacity, and yet continue to enjoy thofe privileges, which conftitute the happinefs of British liberty. From hence, the neceffity of a diftinct government for the colonies will appear. But as the British legiflature will, perhaps, never confent to emancipate them from every kind and degree of fubjection to itself, I hope my countrymen, to avoid the evils of civil difcord, and

enmity with their parent country, will relinquifh some of those rights which are enjoyed by the fubjects of Great Britain, for the prefervation of thofe which are of more importance; for the fecurity of their lives, and acquired property; and as they cannot be united to Great Britain in a civil capacity, let them unite to her in a commercial one; and forming with this kingdom, and its other dependencies, one commercial empire, fubmit their trade to the abfolute government of the British parliament, (without defiring a Representation therein,) to be reftrained and directed by its laws for the general good.'

The political conftitution of a people is a complicated fyftem, feldom the refult of any regular formed plan, but the growth of long experience, of which no reference to past time can afford a compleat idea; and the diftracted meafures of the long parliament in the laft century, with the uneafineffes caufed by the late schemes of American taxation, will fhew the danger of attempting fudden alterations, and violent innovations in go

vernment.

N.

A few Thoughts upon Pointing, and fome other Helps towards Perfpicuity of Expreffion. By J. B. F. R. S. and F. S. A. 4to. I S. Worral, &c. 1768.

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HIS is rather a perfuafive to point, than directions for punctuation. All that I pretend,' fays the Author, is to try if I can convince the Reader that fome fort of punctuation is abfolutely neceffary.' But furely it was unneceffary to attempt fuch conviction! the neceffity of pointing feems to be univerfally allowed, by the univerfality of the practice. All that is now printed is pointed, the punctuation of what is not intended for the press is comparatively of little moment, as it is intended to answer mere private and tranfitory purposes: but there is punctuation enough, even in the letters of one trader to another, to prove an acquiefcence in the utility of the practice. Inftruments and proceedings in law, indeed, are without points, and for a very good reason, that the fenfe might depend wholly upon the words, and not jointly upon words and points; because, in proportion as it fhould depend upon points, it might be altered without detection: when there are no points, the fenfe may be determined fo as to require either one punctuation or another, as upon the whole shall seem moft congruous to truth; but the fenfe could not be determined contrary to a punctuation, without legal proof that the punctuation had been forged, fo that the use of points in law inftruments would open a new door to fraud, perplexity, and litigation.

The Author fays, that the general idea of pointing feems to

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include nothing more than marking down upon paper, by differens figns or notations, the refpective paufes, which actually were, or ought to be made in pronouncing the words, written or printed, together with like hints for a different modulation of the voice, where a juft pronunciation would require it.'

The general idea of pointing, however, does not include fo much; it includes only three hints for a different modulation of the voice, admiration, interrogation, and parenthefis: but a juft pronunciation requires many more; there is a modulation or inflection of voice peculiar to expoftulation, pity, reprehenfion, grief, anger, interceffion, and many other difpofitions, paffions, and occafions, for which no hint has hitherto been devifed, and for which none is fuggefted by this Author. To multiply marks of punctuation, either for paufes or modulation, fecms indeed not to be defireable, for, as the learned Dr. Lowth has obferved in his Introduction to English grammar, if marks were invented to exprefs even all the paufes of pronunciation, the doctrine of them would be very perplexed and difficult, and the of them would rather embarrass than affift the Reader. The Author obferves very justly, that it is unnecessary to fpend time in defining or explaining the four diftinctions, called Period, Colon, Semicolon, and Comma: it feems alfo unne ceffary to spend time, as he has done, in defining and explaining the Parenthesis (), the Parathefis [ ], the Hyphen the double Hyphen, the mark of quotation or interlocution"". These marks are univerfally ufed and understood, being taught to children among the first rudiments of their native tongue.

The only fentiment peculiar to this work is, that pointing fhould not be regulated by a common ftandard, nor confined to the mere grammatical divifion of fentences, but that every man fhould point fo as to exprefs his own manner of pronunciation: but if the principal ufe of pointing be to increafe perfpicuity, this licence would render it of very little value: while punctuation is known univerfally to mark the grammatical divifion of fentences, fuch divifion, and confequently the fenfe, is known from the punctuation, but who can find fuch a clue to the fenfe in a punctuation, continually varying to exprefs every man's method of pronunciation, however whimfical or abfurd? At the beginning of thefe pages of inanity' the Author fays he had no view but to enforce punctuation; at the end, he fays, he had no view but to apologize for his own manner of pointing; and did not pretend to prefcribe rules to any other perfon.

Whether his manner of pointing is right or wrong, is certainly a question, which it is worth no man's while to buy his book to determine; and as it teaches nothing, the best thing that can be faid of it is, that nothing is profefied to be taught. Friendship:

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Friendship: a Poem infcribed to a Friend: to which is added, an Ode. 4to. 2s. 6d. Kearfly. 1769.

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HE Author, in his preface, tells us that the fubject of the poem is of fo delicate a nature, that an apology is neceffary even for the undertaking, much more for the execu tion of the defign.' For the undertaking, poffibly, an apology might be neceflary; but, furely, there could be no reason to apologize for the execution of what he had undertaken.

He fays, he began to confider the fubject, that, though he fhould not experience true friendship, he might be able to affirm that true friendship exifted; and that he might enjoy fome fecret fatisfaction, if he should ever come within the influence of mercenary contentions and illiberal paffions. It is not, however, very easy to conceive, how, by confidering abftractedly the nature of friendship, as it exifts in the imagination, he could fatisfy himself or others that it is to be found among the realities of life; or what comfort he could derive from an enquiry whether a difinterefted friendship was poffible, if, upon coming under the influence of mercenary contention or illiberal paffion, he fhould find himself without a difinterefted friend. Of friendfhip, indeed, he fays many other ftrange things; he fays, when we handle it in a dogmatical way, it is fpoken handfomely of; that we wear it in common, and feldom wear it at all; and then confidering it as a perfon, he adds, that, after giving her celeftial ornaments, we fuffer her to degenerate into a terreftrial form.

The poem is in blank verfe; it confifts of near 900 lines, without a fingle incident as a vehicle for the fentiment, or any neceflary relation of part to part, fo that if the paragraphs were tranfpofed, they would ftand juft as well as in their prefent order.

It contains little poetry, and few grofs faults; it is rather tirefome than difgufting: it neither gives pleafure nor excites hope; no paffage captivates either the fancy or the car, fufficiently to produce a defire to proceed to the next: there is no reafoning to engage the understanding, nor any event to raise curiofity.

The expreffion is fometimes turgid, the verfe defective, and the images incongruous.

A thick fence is faid to be drawn by Innocence:

The thicket fence that Innocence can draw.'

A brow is faid to be deck't with the chafiifement of a frown:

Virtus.

• Ye whose brows

Ne'er deck't with chaftifement of honeft frowns.'

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