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only equal, but most probably even exceed that; not to mention the probability of difcovering ftill more.

The first of these which I fhall mention, and which, to the furprize of reafon, has not hitherto been thought of any confequence, is the fifhery. I will take upon me to say, that the whale and feal fisheries in Hudfon's-Bay, and Baffin's-Bay, are capable of affording fufficient, and fufficiently profitable, employment to feveral hundred fifhing veffels. Nor is this a vague affertion. I fpeak it from experience, having been fome years perfonally engaged in the Greenland fishery, after my being at Hudfon's Bay, and gained a clear infight into every Branch of it.

Another moft valuable article of commerce, which those countries would fupply in the greatest plenty, is copper. In the year 1744, I myself difcovered there feveral large lumps of the fineft virgin copper, which in the honeft exultation of my heart at fo important a discovery I directly fhewed to the company; but the thanks I met, may be eafily judged from the fyftem of their conduct. The fact, without any enquiry into the reality of it, was treated as a chimerical illufion; and a ftop arbitrarily put to all farther fearch into the matter, by the abfolute lords of the foil.

• The advantages which would arise from a sufficient fupply of this metal, are alfo obvious to every capacity. It would afford employment to all our various artificers who work in it; and enable us to underfell all competitors at foreign markets; and this at a time, when our internal fupplies of it seem to be nearly exhaufted, and the use of it is daily encreafing in all parts of the world.

I have faid, that copper is to be found in plenty in those countries, for this reafon. Wherever any metal is found in lumps, on or near the furface of the earth, it is a certain proof that the earth abounds with it deeper down; fuch lumps being protruded from the body of the metal, like fparks from a large fire. Nor is it unreasonable to expect, that metals still more valuable might be found in the purfuit of this; the richest gold-mines in the Eaft being intermixed with thofe of copper, as copper itfelf is with gold in proportion to the fineness of the former; and finer, than the lumps I found there, have I never feen.

It must not be objected to what I have here advanced, that the intensity of the froft in thofe climates would defeat all attempts of mining, or at the best render them fo difficult and deftructive to the lives of the miners, as to make it not worth the attempt. This is only a vulgar error. It is known that froft penetrates but a little way into the earth; no farther than

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the immediate action of the atmosphere; where the Iphere of that action therefore ceases, froft ceafes of course; and the most ignorant labourer knows that the deeper he can work into the earth, the warmer air he will breathe.'

The Hudfon's-Bay company employ four fhips, and 130 feamen. They have four forts, which contain 186 men.And they export commodities to the value of £16,000 a year, and bring home returns to the value of £29,340-which yield to the revenue £ 3734.

If the trade were laid open, the fishery alone in Hudfon'sBay, Baffin's-Bay, and Davis's Streights, (in the laft of which the Dutch find fifh as plenty as in Japan, where they kill them folely for their bone) would afford employment for 800 veffels of every kind, and 16,000 men.—

The trade would require and fupport twelve colonies, confifting of 3000 fettled inhabitants of both fexes.-And, the exports would, in the courfe of feven years at the very fartheft, amount to 320,000. the returns to 586,800, which would yield to the revenue £74,680, being twenty fold the prefent amount of each, with a certain profpect of farther increase. But so it is, that all these national and great advantages are facrificed to fatten a few worthy individuals.

Before fchemes are engaged in, from commercial views, for profecuting remote difcoveries, it would be well worth attention to cultivate, on permanent principles, thofe branches of trade, already enjoyed; and this cannot better be done, than by breaking down the barriers of exclufive monopolies, the original purposes of which have not only been long fince effected, but the undertakers very amply gratified. It is now time therefore to liften to the claims of the public.

Remarks on the Review of the Controverfy between Great Britain and ber Colonies. In which the Errors of its Author are expofed, and the Claims of the Colonies vindicatel, upon the Evidence of historical Facts and authentic Records. To which is fubjoined, a Propofal for terminating the prefent unhappy Dispute with the Colonies; recovering their Commerce; reconciliating their Affection; fecuring their Rights; and establishing their Dependence on a jufl and permanent Bafis. Humbly fubmitted to the Confileration of the Britifb Legiflature. 8vo. 2 s. 6 d. fewed. Becket, &c. 1769.

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HE Review of the American controverfy is once more + harply and fuccefsfully attacked, by an able hand; who by attending to the obvious import of words in the + See Obfervations on the Re

See Review, vol. xl, p. 103.

view,' &c. ib. p. 433.

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charters of the principal colonies, and the general tenor of those transactions wherein they have been concerned, clearly proves them to be diftinct dependencies, not included within the realm of England, but having conflitutions framed after the fame model.

To avoid as much as poffible thofe repetitions which must be the confequence of tracing the particular arguments of many writers on the fame fubject, the following fummary recapitulation may fuffice as a fpecimen of the Author's manner.

After this Review of the moft important tranfactions relating to the most ancient of our colonies, I flatter myfelf it will appear indifputable, that in their firft fettlement, they were conftituted diftinct ftates, independent to the parliament of England, because I have fufficiently demonftrated that James and Charles, by whofe authority they were fettled, had a conftitutional right to grant the first fettlers their title to the territories in America, with all the powers of diftinct legiflation and government; and that thefe monarchs exercifed that right, will appear fufficiently evident, from the tenor of the charters themselves, confirmed and explained by their fubfequent conduct and declarations, than which nothing more was neceffary to conftitute the independency of the colonies, fince if their firft inhabitants received and fettled those countries, on the terms of independent legislation and government, made by thofe who had a legal right to grant these terms, it is felf-evident that no power whatever could afterwards unite them to the realm of England, without their formal and exprefs confent, which has never been given, nor have they ever been confidered as within this kingdom. It will likewife appear, that from the a of the first difcovery of America, to the twelfth of Charles the fecond, no act of parliament had ever been extended to the colonies, because they were "not within the realm or jurifdiction of parliament." At that time it will be found, that the legiflature of England firft exercifed its authority in the colo nies, for regulating their trade, and afterwards for directing their exterior policy, but, at beft, on a very obfcure, I will not fay, no right. If, however, it fhould be agreed, that the colonies were never annexed to the realm, or within the jurifdiction of its parliament, it will require no great fagacity to determine how far their fubmiffion to thefe acts, in their infant ftate, can preclude their future claims to the right of their original constitution. It will likewife appear, that, from the difcovery of America, to the æra of Grenvillian adminiftration, the only act of parliament that can, with juftice, be faid to have impofed duties, or taxes, on the colonies for any purpose, is that of the 25th of Charles the Second; and that this was never defigned to raife money for any national fervice, or efta

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blish a precedent for taxing the colonies on any future occafion, has been already abundantly proved by the nature of the act, the tenor of its preamble, the fubfequent declaration of the king in answer to the Virginia remonftrance, and the meafures he pursued afterwards for obtaining a revenue for the fupport of government in that colony, not by authority of parliament, but the confent of the general aflembly of the province. And as even this act was deemed an infringement of the rights of the colonies, and as fuch became the fubject of remonftrances to the throne, which were countenanced by the King, no perfon will pretend, that it can authorize the British legislature to prefcribe for the right of taxing the colonies.-I am, however, uncertain, whether by thus expofing the title of the colonies to the privileges of diftinct ftates, I am acting for their fervice, or agreeable to their wifhes, as they do not, at prefent, difpute the power exercifed by Great Britain, in binding them by political and commercial regulations; it is, however, but juft, that thofe, who, not content with the exercife of this power, ungenerously endeavour, from this conceffion of the colonies, to infer a right of taking away their property at pleasure, fhould know the very flender foundation that fupports even the power from whence this inference is deduced.-If, however, I could believe it poffible to unite Great Britain and the colonies, equally and juftly, in a legislative capacity, and overcome thofe infuperable obftacles which nature has interposed to this union, I would endeavour to promote it by every honeft expedient, as the fureft method of fecuring their ftability and happiness, inftead of citing facts to prove the right of the latter to the privileges of diftinct legiflation and government; but as I cannot believe this practicable, and as I well know that it is incompatible with their freedom, and repugnant to the fpirit of the British conftitution, to live in fubjection to the laws of an affembly in which they have no representation, I have thought it my duty thus to explain their original state and conftitution.

I fhall not contend with our Author concerning the difference between internal and external taxation, or between taxes for the purpose of a revenue, and thofe for the regulation of trade; as I am convinced, that a power of impofing duties, even for commercial regulations, ought not to be vested in any other perfon, or affembly of perfons, than tho e who have a right of taxing for every purpofe; becaufe, under fpecious pretences, it may be perverted to an intolerable grievance; and yet the conduct of this nation towards Ireland and the colonies, fince its departure from the fpirit of its original conftitution, by affuming a power of exercising foreign legiflation, has

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afforded caufe to believe the real exiftence of this diftinctions and perhaps duties impofed merely to reftrain commerce, and not to procure a revenue, cannot be deemed taxes with any propriety; at leaft the apparent difference is fo plaufible, that it can afford no caufe for furprize, if the colonies were deluded by it, and reluctantly fubmitted to the act of the 25th of Charles the Second, though they afterwards univerfally refifted the ftamp-act. But if this be not the cafe, it is ftill a moft unnatural perverfion of reafon and argument in our Author, to infer a right of univerfal taxation over the colonies, by proving the non-entity of this difference, as the juft and obvious inference therefrom would operate againft every kind of impofition for any purpose.

Our Author obferves, that the colonies do not," as yet, reject the authority of parliament to bind them in any cafe, fave in the article of taxation," but treats their conceffion in this particular as inconfiflent with their other claims; alledging, that they must be fubject to the authority of parliament in every respect, or elfe in none; and perhaps there may be fome juftice in this obfervation, fince in most countries legiflation and taxation have been invariably united in the fame perfon or perfons; and yet the hiftory and conftitution of England afford many precedents to the contrary. A bill of fupply is not fimply a law, but a free gift from the people, by their delegates, the commons of the realm; and the houfe of peers, though an equal part of the fupreme legiflature, and equally authorized to originate all other bills, are in the former excluded from that privilege, nor allowed to make any addition or change whatever therein. The peers are, indeed, allowed fimply to give or refufe their affent to a money bill, becaufe they are precluded from the right of fuffiage for members of the house of commons, and unreprefented therein, fo that without this privilege, they would neceffarily fuffer a deprivation of one of the most important rights enjoyed by all other freeholders in the realm, that of giving their property by themfelves, or their reprefentatives. And by the 19th of Henry the Seventh, it appears, that the king does not give the royal affent, but the royal thanks, to bills of fupply; all which renders it evident, that, by the English conftitution, the right of taxation is not neceffarily vefted in the fupreme legiflature of the nation, but that all pecuniary grants to the crown are properly acts of the people, giving their fovereign a part of their property, either perfonally, or by delegation. And agreeable to this is Mr. Locke's maxim, that The prince, or fenate, however it may have power to make laws, for the regulation of property between the fubjects one amongst another, yet can never have a power to

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