II. 1797. May. at official inattention to their complaints, deposed CHAP. their officers and seized the ships, and for six weeks such a storm appeared to have overtaken England as had never before touched her in the darkest hour of her fortunes. No Irish element was visible in the demands of the mutineers. Yet it was singular that to corrupt the fleet with the help of the Irish seamen had been a favourite idea of M. de la Croix. Though Tone at first listened coldly, he afterwards caught the notion with enthusiasm. Half the sailors and petty officers in the service were Catholics, and in fact it was discovered, when the causes of the mutiny were enquired into, that the United Irishmen had been busy instruments in inflaming discontent. Lee, who was one of the leaders, had been sworn to the society in Dublin and had enlisted but a few months previously, 'probably with a view to create the mutiny for which he was condemned.' 1 Wolfe Tone, in a published address, had invited his fellow-countrymen to use an opportunity to make themselves masters of the ships, and he promised them as a bribe the plunder of English commerce. The Secret Committee of the British House of Commons discovered that the crews had been largely sworn to be true to Ireland, to erect a Catholic Government there, and to be faithful to their brethren who were fighting their cause against tyrants and oppressors.' There had been plans among them to carry different ships into Irish harbours, to kill the officers if they hindered them, and to hoist the green flag, with the harp in the place of the. British ensign, and afterwards kill and destroy the Protestants.2 เ Report of the Secret Committee of Commons. England. 1799. BOOK IX. 1797 May. The mutiny gave the French the opportunity for which they had looked so earnestly. The sea was open; the fleets at Brest and in the ports of Holland had six weeks in which they could have gone where they pleased without danger of being fought with. The seamen at the Nore had not returned to their duty till the 15th of June, and those in England best able to form an opinion were expecting daily to hear that Hoche was again on the coast of Ireland.1 Under these circumstances the resolution of the Cabinet gave way. Pitt and Dundas recurred to the hopes with which they had played, and Portland wrote to tell Lord Camden that he must weigh and consider whether means could not be devised to reconcile the Catholics, bring their support to the Establishment, and dissolve the unnatural coalition between them and the Dissenters.' 12 The Secret Committee of the Irish House of Commons had at that moment completed their report, and Camden, for answer, sent it over for the Cabinet's perusal. The designs of the United Irishmen had been unravelled from their origin. The political reforms which they had demanded had been pursued avowedly as a means of disuniting Ireland from England and establishing a Republic, and by the side of the political agitation the leaders had made preparations for rebellion to take advantage of the confusion and excitement which must, under any circumstances, accompany a change in the Constitution. They had a hundred thousand men secretly organised and officered. Notwithstanding Lake's exertions they Unless the business of the fleet can be speedily adjusted, a few days must place a French army in Ireland. - Cornwallis to General Ross, May 9, 1797.'-Cornwallis 2 Portland to Camden, May 13, 1797.' S. P. O. had still large quantities of arms. They had a revenue, the last quarter of which had been collected before the usual time, in anticipation of a French landing. The magistrates were held in terror by a secret tribunal of assassination, and efforts were made in all parts of the island to seduce and corrupt the soldiers. You ask,' said Camden, whether his Majesty should be advised to accede to a concession which is made the excuse of rebellion. Rebellion must first be overcome. It will afterwards be to be considered how the country is to be governed. As to what you say of disuniting Catholics and Dissenters, it appears to me to be merely an expedient to divert a present danger, and that the country must either be governed according to its present system, or a change more extensive must be adopted. I cannot conceal how melancholy a presage I consider the system to which we appear to have been forced, of yielding to the demands of persons who have arms in their hands.'1 1 Camden to Portland, May 18.' Abridged. S. P. O. CHAP. 1797. May. BOOK IX. 1797. May. SECTION IV. THE Secret Committee spoke of attempts to seduce the troops. Those attempts had been so successful that four of the Monaghan and two of the Wexford Militia were tried and shot as an example to the rest. They spoke of the existence of an assassination tribunal. While they were preparing their report, sentence of death had gone out against Lord Carhampton, the Commander-in-Chief, who next to the Chancellor was the best-hated man in Ireland. So long as Luttrell was at the head of the army the rebel leaders knew that their game would be dangerous. Luttrell, therefore, was to be taken away. The interesting gentlemen who were dreaming of making themselves masters of Ireland were not growing more true to each other as the melodrama developed itself. A member of the Assassination Committee, James Ferris, was in Carhampton's pay, and gave him notice that his death had been determined on. A meeting had been held to talk the subject over. A blacksmith named Dunn had volunteered his services; and being one of Carhampton's tenants, born on his estate, living at his gate, in constant employment about his house, and so thoroughly trusted that he had access to the grounds at Luttrell's Town at all hours, he was welcomed as well fitted for his work. Already he had given proof of his qualifications. He had himself been the murderer, as he confessed afterwards, of two obnoxious persons to whom Carhampton had given shelter, and who had been found dead in the park. The day fixed for the death of the Commander-inChief was Sunday, the 14th of May. Luttrell was in the habit of driving out from Dublin to his house on Sunday mornings. He carried pistols, and was known to be a cool and certain shot. The assassin proposed to follow the carriage on horseback, with three or four companions armed with blunderbusses, fire a volley of slugs into the windows at Luttrell and his aide-de-camp, and then shoot the postillion and the servants. If the plan failed, a bold villain, named Farrell, said that he would kill Carhampton in the street single-handed. Ferris consenting, contrary to general experience, to give evidence in court, there was no occasion to wait till the assassin could be caught in the act. Dunn and several others were arrested; and Carhampton, knowing the man so intimately, visited him in his cell, and enquired the meaning of such a return for his past kindness. Carhampton, with all his experience, confessed himself astonished at the coolness of the answer. The man, who had been in his own service from his childhood, told him he considered it would be a meritorious act to kill him, and acknowledged frankly that he had meant to do it with his own hand. A second time Carhampton went to see him, accompanied by Lord Enniskillen. Dunn was on his knees praying when they entered. He repeated his confession without a sign of contrition. As it was not impossible that the man might spring on him, Carhampton on these occasions had his pistols with him. The third time on which he saw him he had nearly reason to regret that he had omitted the same precaution. The prisoner was then unfettered, walking in the yard. His demeanour CHAP. II. 1797. May. |