that, in conformity to your majefty's gracious meffage, laying before us the refolutions of the lords and commons of Ireland, we have proceeded to resume the confideration of the great and important fubject of a legiflative union between Great Britain and Ireland; and it is with unfpeakable fatisfaction we have obferved the conformity of the faid refolutions to thofe principles - which we humbly fubmitted to your majefty in the laft feffion of parliament, as calculated to form the bafis of fuch a fettlement.

With the few alterations and additions which we have found it neceflary to fuggeft, we confider thefe refolutions as fit to form articles of union between Great Britain and Ireland; and if thofe alterations and additions fhall be approved by the two houfes of the parliament of Ireland, we are ready to confirm and ratify thefe articles, in order that the fame may be established for ever by the mutual confent of both parliaments. We offer to your majefty our humble congratulations upon the near profpect of the accomplishment of a work, which your majefty, as the common father of your people, has juftly declared to be fo near your heart; concurring, as we do, with your houfes of parliament in Ireland, in the full conviction that, by incorporating the legillatures, and confolidating the refources of the two kingdoms, we fhall increase the power and ftability of the British empire, and fhall at the fame time contribute in the most effectual manner to the improvement of the commerce, the fecurity of the religion, and the piciervation of the liberties of your majelty's fubjects in Ireland.

Proteft entered on the Journals of the Irish Houfe of Lords, again the Union.

Diffentient,

1ft. DECAUSE the refolution the principle of

a legiflative union between Great Britain and Ireland, without an opportunity having been afforded to this houfe of examining the details which are held out as an induce ment for its adoption; details which have occupied the attention of those who have propofed the measure for a confiderable ength of time, and which therefore fhold not be haftily, or without due confideration, acted upon by any branch of the legislature of Ireland.

2dly, Because thofe details do not appear to us, on fuch confideration as we have been allowed to give them, to proffer any bene fits to this country of which it is not already in poffeffion, or to afford any remedy for any of the evils which it at prefent has reafon to apprehend.

3dly, Because the refolution propoles, as a remedy for partial and temporary evils, an act which, if once adopted, binds us and our pofterity for ever.

4thly, Becaufe we confider the independence of Ireland, and the fecurity of her connection with Great Britain, to be equally effential to the well-being of this country; and that we confider both as endangered by the meature of a legiflative union.

5thly, Becaufe the prefent confitution of thefe kingdoms, founded on the complete unity of their exe cutive power, and the perfect dif

tinctnels

tinatnefs of their legiflatures, appears to us as happily contrived as the limited nature of human inftitutions can admit to maintain national freedom in both countries, and unalterable connection between both.

6thly, Because the plan propofed, whether it be good or whether it be ill, appears to us calculated to effect a total and fundamental change in the conftitution of Ireland; a change which ought not to be ventured on, without the unequivocal approbation of the informed understanding and refident property of the country, both of which we confider to be adverfe to the reception of the measure.

7thly, Because we confider the prefent feafon of innovation ill adapted for the difcuffion of new fyftems of government, more particularly in this country, which has only juft efcaped from the revolutionary projects of foreign and domeftic enemies, and in which the ordinary courfe of law has been neceffarily fufpended.

8thly, Because, next to the protection of Divine Providence, we hold this country indebted for its prefervation from thofe evils to the vigilance of its refident parliament, and the loyalty of its refident gentry, the former of whom the propofed measure neceffarily removes from the country, and the latter of whom it muft powerfully operate to withdraw.

9thly, Becaufe, by the plan laid before us for conftituting the parliament of the united kingdoms, it is intended that four fpiritual and twenty-eight temporal lords fhall be added to the British houfe of lords, confifting of upwards of 300 members, and that 100 reprefenta

tives for the people of Ireland fhall be added to the British house of commons, confifting of 558 members, and that the prefent entire British houfes of parliament, with the faid additional members, fhall form their united parliament; from which it is evident that the entire power of making laws and impofing taxes muft refide in the preponderating majority of the British members in fuch parliament; which power, though it might without danger be entrusted to them if the two nations were to be fo perfectly incorporated as to form but one nation, and to have but one purfe, as in the union between England, Scotland, and Wales; yet in the intended union, where diftin&t revenues, diftinct taxes, and distinct expenfes fhall continue to exift between the two nations, it must leave the liberties of the Irifh nation at the difpofal of fuch British majority, who will make the laws for the internal regulation of Ireland, which fhall not in any fort affect themfelves, and impofe taxes upon that kingdom, the preffure of which they will not feel. It appears to us that the exercife of fuch power muft neceffarily produce univerfal difcontent, and may pof fibly tend to alienate the affections of Ireland from Great Britain.

10thly, And above all, becaufe we conceive that no fcheme of national adjuftment can be honourable, fatisfactory, or permanent, which is not confidered with mature deliberation, profecuted by fair and temperate means, and founded on the uninfluenced fenfe of parliament, no one of which effential requifites can we find in the prefent project. Leinfter, Downfhire, 0 2

Pery,

when the moft unremitting induftry is made use of to unhinge every established government in Europe; when revolutionary principles have produced the overthrow of feveral ancient established governments, we think every loyal fubject who regards the liberties of his country called upon to rally round the confitution, and to preferve its ftability; we therefore cannot help protelling against the rafhnefs of the minifter, who, in fuch times, hazards the experiment of annihilating that conftitution which has for fo many ages maintained the connection be tween Great Britain and Ireland,

and of fubftituting in its ftead (in oppofition to the general voice of the nation) a new fyftem, totally fubverfive of every fundamental principle of that conftitution which we confider as the beft fecurity for thofe liberties which the fubjects of Ireland now enjoy.

2dly, Becaufe, however willing we now are, and always have been, to contribute in proportion to our means to the fupport and defence of the empire, we hold it our bounden duty, before that we fhall irrevocably enter into any engagement, to take upon ourselves any parti cular proportion of the expenfes of the empire, to afcertain the proba ble amount of fuch proportion, "to inquire into the ability of Ireland to difcharge the fame, and to examine whether fuch part be propor tionate to the relative abilities of the two nations. Upon fuch inquiry we find that the expenfe incurred by Great Britain in the year 1799, amounted to upwards of 32,000,000l.; and that which was incurred by Ireland in the fame year, amounted to upwards of 6,000,000!.

propofed proportion) amount to upwards of 4,400,000l. which added to the prefent intereft of the debt incurred by Ireland, and the difcharge of her annuities, amounting to 1,400,000, and the intereft of the loan of this year, amounting to about 250,000l. will make the annual charge upon Ireland to amount to 6,950,000. It appears to us that the produce of our revenue, including the eftinated amount of the taxes laid on this feffion, does not exceed 2,800,000, and confequently they will fall short by 3,250,000!. of the fum neceffary to difcharge fuch proportionate part of the ex

penfes

penfes of the empire. In order to afcertain the relative abilities of thetwo nations, their respective balances of trade with the whole world have been compared, and it appears from thence that fuch balance in favour of Great Britain amounts to the fum of 14,800,000l. and that fuch balance in favour of Ireland, according to the returns laid before this houfe, amount to the fum of 509,3121.; taking therefore the balance of trade as a criterion of ability, the proportion would be as 29 to 1. Inquiry likewife having been made into the current cash in circulation in both kingdoms, it appears that in the year 1777, the current cash in Great Britain was calculated at 43,000,950. and it is computed by perfons the beft informed upon that fubject in this kingdem, that the current cash in Ireland may now amount to be tween 3,000,0001. and 3,500,0007.; taking it therefore at the latter, the proportion fhould be as 12 to 1; confidering it in another very effential point of view, the influx and efflux of money into the refpective kingdoms, it appears that Great Britain receives by remittances to perfons having property in the Eaft and Weft Indies, who refide in Great Britain, 4,000,000l. fterling. We do not know of any influx of money into Ireland, fave that of 509,3121. the balance of her trade; and it appears to us that the annually remits to Great Britain, on account of her debts, the fum of 720,000l. and on account of the pay of 3234 men, ferving in Great Britain, the fum of 101,570.: thefe annual drains, together with the remittances to abfentees (probably little fhort of 2,000,000l.), we confider, to have occafioned the high

rate of exchange with Great Britain during the last twelve months, from 3 to 5 per cent. above par, 'notwithstanding that during that period 3,000,000l. have been borrowed in Great Britain, and remitted to Ireland. We do not know of any fund to refort to for raifing the faid deficiency of 3.250,000/. fave by taxation, an addition to which cannot in any confiderable degree be fupported; and by reforting to her landed property, the grofs contents of which being but 11,000,000 plantation acres, we cannot eftimate at more than the annual rent of 5,500,0002. We obferve the large fums of money borrowed by Ireland within thefe four years have been for the most part railed in Great Britain, owing to the total difability of procuring them in Ireland. The facility of raifing money in Great Britain, and the difficulty found in raifing any in Ireland, clearly demonftrates the opulence. of the one nation and the poverty of the other. Under fuch circumftances it appears to us, that if this kingdom fhould take upon herself irrevocably the payment of twofeventeenths of fuch expenfes, fhe will not have means to perform her engagement, unlefs by charging her landed property with 12 or 13s. in the pound. It muft end in the draining from her her laft guinea, in totally annihilating her trade for want of capital, in rendering the taxes unproductive, and confequently in finally putting her into a state of bankruptcy. We think ourselves called upon to protest against a meafure fo ruinous to this country, and to place the refponfibility for its confequences upon fuch perfons as have brought it forward and fupported it.

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