how these demoniacs should so abound in and about that nation, which was the people of God, (whereas in other nations, and their writers, we hear of no such,) and that so, as it should seem, about the time of our Saviour's being on earth only, because in the time before we find no mention of them in scripture. The wonder is yet the greater, because it seems, notwithstanding all this, by the story of the Gospel, not to have been accounted then by the people of the Jews any strange or extraordinary thing, but as a matter usual, nor besides is it taken notice of by any foreign story h." The occasion of this marvelling is the mistake of some plain facts, which the good man himself in his following discourse sufficiently confutes. The first mistaken fact is, that demoniacs abounded in the Jewish nation alone; that in other nations, and their writers, we hear of no such. On the contrary, it is certain that they were in other nations, and that they are much spoken of in the ancient Greek and Latin authors, if not always under the very name of demoniacsi, yet under several other names, which we know signify the same thing; such as evρuкλeîтaik, νυμφόληπτοι, θεοφόρητος m, θεόληπτος ", Φοιβόληπτοι° πύθωνες», h Discourse on John x. Works, p. 28, 29. 20. I Yet Aristophanes says, κακοδαι- Tous dayportopévous keλEVOVOL Tà * Οὗτος (Εὐρίκλης) ὡς ἐγγαστρίμυθος λέγεται Αθηνῄσι ἀληθῆ μαντευόμενος διὰ τοῦ ἐνυπάρχοντος αὐτῷ daípovos- ἐγγαστρεῖται δὲ, καὶ EvρUKλeîтaι ékaλoûvтo évтeûdev távtes οἱ μαντευόμενοι, ἀπὸ Εὐρυκλέους πρῶτ τον τοῦτο ποιήσαντος. Schol. in Aristoph. Vesp. p. 503, pr. Vid. Plat. Sophista, p. 176, E. Τοὺς ἐγγαστριμύθους, εὐρυκλέας πάλαι, νυνὶ πύθωνας προσαγορευομένους. Plut. de Orac. Def. p. 414, E. 1 Plato in Phæd. p. 1216, E. et Ὑπὸ τῶν νυμφῶν ἐνθουσιάσω, p. 1218, F. m Φρενομανής τις εἶ θεοφόρητος, spoken of Cassandra, Eschyl. Agam. V. 1149. Πλείστον μέντοι τῶν θεοφορήτων πλῆθος ἐν αὐτῇ (Κομάνα). Strabo, 1. 12. p. 535, D. n Plut. de Herod. Malign. p. 855, B. Schol. in Sophoc. Antig. ad v. 975 Herod. Melpom. §. 13. p. 229. P Plut. de Orac. Def. p. 414, E. bacchantes, cerriti, larvati r, lymphaticis, nocturnis diis, Faunisque agitati. The damsel that had the spirit of divination, spoken of in the Acts of the Apostles, is not called there by the name of a demoniac, notwithstanding St. Paul cast a spirit or demon out of her ". And is it not evident, that both the philosophy and theology of the ancient heathen almost necessarily suppose this fact? To what end were their many lustrations * ? Did not Thales ", Pythagoras ', Heraclitus ", Plato, and the Stoics affirm, that all things were full of demons? And are not their priests, in giving forth their oracles, always described as possessed by their gods © ? Baccha bacchanti si velis advorsarier, Ex insana insaniorem facies. Plaut. Amph. act. 2. scen. 2. ν. 71. Ἡμῖν δὲ καταγελᾶτε, ὦ Σκύθαι, ὅτι βακχεύομεν καὶ ἡμμέας ὁ θεὸς λαμβάνει· νῦν οὗτος ὁ δαίμων καὶ τὸν ὑμέτερον βασιλέα λελάβηκε, καὶ βακχεύει, καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ μαίνεται. Herod. 1. 4. c. 79. Παύεσκε μὲν γὰρ ἐνθέους γυναῖκας. Soph. Antig. v. 975. Τὰς θεολήπτους βάκχας. Schol. ibid. Vid. et Eurip. Bacchæ. Plaut. Mæn. act. 5. scen. 4. v. 2. Fragm. Amph. v. 5. Cæs. act. 3. scen. 4. v. 2. Merc. act. 5. scen. 4. ν. 20. 22. Vid. Aulul. act. 4. scen. 5. v. 15. Larva-agitant senem. Captiv. act. 3. scen. 4. v. 66. Larvæ stimulant virum. • Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 25. §. 24. 1. 27. §. 83. 1. 28. §. 63. 1. 34. §. 44. 1. 37. §. 12. p. 373, 15. p. 376. Plaut. Pæn. act. I. scen. 2. v. 132, 133. Vid. Not. ibi Heinsii et Turneb. t Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 30. §. 24. "Acts xvi. 16, &c. Pythagoras was of the opinion, Εἶναι πάντα τὸν ἀέρα ψυχῶν ἔμπλεων καὶ τούτους, δαίμονάς τε καὶ ἥρωας νομίζεσθαι· καὶ ὑπὸ τούτων πέμπεσθαι ἀνθρώποις τοὺς ὀνείρους—εῖς τε τούτους γίνεσθαι τούς τε καθαρμούς καὶ ἀποτροπιασμούς μαντικήν τε πᾶσαν, &c. Diog. Laert. 1. 8. §. 32. Porphyry says, Τὰ μείλιγματα καὶ τὰ τούτων, (φαύλων δαιμόνων) ἀποτρόπαια πρὸς τὸν Πλούτωνα γίνεται. And again, Αἱ ἁγνεται οὐ διὰ τοὺς θεοὺς προηγουμένως, ἀλλ ̓ ἵν ̓ οὗτοι (φαύλοι δαίμονες) ἀποστῶσι. Euseb. C a Præp. 1. 4. c. 23. p. 174. Elow Id. 1. 8. §. 32. * Καὶ πάντα ψυχῶν εἶναι καὶ δαιμόνων πλήρη. Id. l. 9. §. 7. b Plat. Conviv. p. 1194, a. Plut. de Plac. Philos. 1. 1. c. 8. Vid. et de Orac. Def. p. 415, a, &c. Varron. apud Aug. de Civ. Dei, l. 7. c. 6. · Νῦν δὲ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἡμῖν γίγνεται διὰ μανίας, θείᾳ μέντοι δόσει διδομένης ἥ τε γὰρ δὴ ἐν Δελ φοῖς προφῆτις, αἵ τ ̓ ἐν Δοδώνῃ ἱέρειαι, The second mistaken fact is, that demoniacs abounded in the Jewish nation about the time of our Saviour's being on earth only, because in the times before we find no mention of them in scripture. Were it true that there is no mention of any demoniac in the Old Testament, this is no manner of proof that there were none in those times. Is there any mention made there of hydropics, paralytics, or lunatics? Must we conclude therefore that there were no persons in those days labouring under such diseases? Had there been one sent from heaven to heal those distempers in a miraculous manner, as our Saviour did, no doubt we should have found that there were as many under the Old Testament as under μανεῖσαι μὲν πολλὰ δὲ καὶ καλὰeipyáσavro, &c. &c. Plat. Phædr. p. 122, C. D. E. Μαντικὴν ἀφροσύνῃ θεὸς ἀνθρωπίνῃ δέδωκεν· οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἔννους ἐφάπτεται μαντικῆς ἐνθέου καὶ ἀληθοῦς. Id. Tim. p. 1074, D. Τὸ βακχεύσιμον καὶ τὸ μανιῶδες μαντευτικὴν πολλὴν ἔχει. Plut. de Or. Def. p. 432, F. p. 438, a, b. et de Plac. Philos. 1. 5. c. I. Vid. Eurip. Troad. v. 307. 341. 366. 408. 450. 500. Ejusdem Bacchæ, v. 664, &c. 1091, &c. et Act. 5. Virg. Æneid. 1.6. 77-80. Lucan. 1. 5. Hi greges (puerorum qui comitantur Apim) repente lymphati futura præcinunt. Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 8. §. 71. The ancients, I am ready to think, looked upon all madmen as agitated by some of their deities. Thus Hercules is represented by Eurip. Herc. Furens, v. 833. &c. Thus Ajax by Sophoc. Aj. Flagell. v. 51. 60. 118. 172. 401. 452, &c. And Orestes by Eschyl. Choep. v. 1053, &c. Eurip. Orest. v. 36. 260, &c. Iphig. in Tauris, v. 285, &c. So when Mænechmus acts the madman, he talks to Bacchus and Apollo, Bromie, quo me in sylvam venatum vocas? Multa mihi imperas, Apollo. Ecce, Apollo, denuo me jubes facere impetum. Plaut. Man. act. 5. scen. 2. v. 82. 109. 115. The argument which seems to me to have prevailed with the generality of the moderns in their laying aside this opinion, is, that madness oftentimes yields to medicine. But this had no weight with the ancients; for they were fully persuaded, that as possessions were to be obtained by the use of certain waters or herbs, so they might be delivered from them by medicines: Ἡ δὲ γῆ πολλῶν μὲν ἄλλων δυνάμεων πηγὰς ἀνίησιν ἀνθρώποις, τὰς μὲν ἐκστατικὰς -ràs δὲ χρηστὰς—τὸ δὲ μαντικὸν, ῥεῦμα κaì πveûμa deiótatóv éoti kai óσiwτατον, ἄν τε καθ' ἑαυτὸν δι ̓ ἄερος, ἄν τε μεθ ̓ ὑγροῦ νάματος ἀφαιρῆται, Plut. de Orac. Def. p. 432, D. Sed ibi (Phrygiæ Gallo flumine) in potando necessarius modus, ne lymphatos agat: quod in Ethiopia accidere his, qui e fonte rubro biberint, Ctesias scribit. Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 31. §. 5. Thalassegle pota lymphari homines, obversantibus miraculis. Theangelida pota magi divinent. Id. 1. 24. §. 95. p. 360. And that the possessed might be cured, vid. Plaut. Mæn. act. 5. scen. 4. Joseph. Antiq. 1. 8. c. 2. §. 5. p. 339. de Bell. 1. 7. c. 6. §. 3. Tobit, ch. vi. and viii. Plut. de Fluv. p. 1159. The same virtue is also ascribed to this stone, which grows in the river Nile, by Aristotle, or whoever was the author of the book de Mirabil. Euvredeî dè kaì roîs daiμονί τινι γενομένοις κατόχοις, ἅμα γὰρ τῷ προσθῆναι ταῖς ῥισὶν, ἀπέρχεrai Tò dapμóviov. Vid. Maussaci Not. at Plut. Fluv. Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 25. §. 24. 1. 27. §. 83. 1. 30. §. 24. 1. 37. §. 12. 15. the New. But there having been no such occasion given for the speaking of them, can we wonder that we read not of many of them? However, it is not true that there is no mention made of demoniacs in the Old Testament, if the thing, and not the word, be hereby meant. For it is said that Saul, the first king of Israel, was troubled with an evil spirit, that is, was a demoniac. And it is evident, from the words of Josephus I have already referred to, that demoniacs were frequent among them from that time downward. For he expressly says, that the method of cure instituted by king Solomon very much prevailed in the Jewish nation even down to his own time". And whereas Mr. Mede says, that demoniacs abounded in the Jewish nation about the time of our Saviour's being on earth only, there is nothing more known, than that almost all writers for two or three centuries after, not only Christians, but such as were the greatest enemies the Christians ever had, mention them as no unusual thing in their time, and in other countries than Judæa'. It is an unhappiness, that when learned men, through forgetfulness or inadvertency, or through a desire of being better informed, drop a doubt in their writings concerning any particular passage of scripture, the half-learned and the half d 1 Sam. xvi. 14. 16. • Καὶ αὕτη μέχρι νῦν παρ' ἡμῖν ἡ Beраñeiα TλεiσTоv loxvel. Antiq. 1. 8. c. 2. §. 5. Plut. Sympos. 1. 7. qu. 5. prope fin. Aaipovas ȧváywv. Luc. Philopseud. p. 474, E. "Oσo Tous dayоνῶντας ἀπαλλάττουσι τῶν δειμάτων. Ibid. p. 477, D. et 478, A. B. Apollonius relates, that a woman came to the Brachmans, praying relief for her son, who was sixteen years of age, δαιμονᾷν δὲ δύο ἔτη, and had been a demoniac two years. Philostr. de Vit. Apol. 1. 3. c. 12. p. 144, 145. Apollonius was himself taken for a demoniac by the hierophant at Athens. Ibid. 1. 4. c. 6. p. 175. O daípov λavvei σe oйk εἰδότα· ἐλελήθει δὲ ἄρα δαιμονῶν τὸ μειράκειον. And Apollonius cast out the demon, making him throw down a statue at parting, as an evidence that he had left him. Ibid. p. 176, 177. Celsus in Orig. p. 333. 416, 417. Porph. de Abstin. 1. 2. §. 43, fin. 46, fin. 47, fin. The remains we have of Porphyry and Jamblichus contain not a little on the subject of demons. It is certain also, that the doctrine concerning demons was one article in the theology of the Platonists, as may be seen in the works of Plato, Plutarch, Plotinus, Maximus Tyrius, Alcinous, Apuleius, Proclus, Julian, and Eusebius in Præp. 1. 4. c. 5. And it appears plainly to have been Lucian's intention in writing his Philopseudes to ridicule the grave philosophers in and near his own time; for that their writings and discourses were so filled with demons, demoniacs, apparitions, and magical operations. Compare what he says with Philostr. de Vita Apoll. 1. 4. c. 15. p. 205, A. B. c. 3. p. 165. c. 8. p. 182, 183, 184. l. 6. c. 16. p. 303, 304. 1. 8. c. 3. p. 395, B. D. and c. 5. p. 411, C. thinking eagerly catch it up, and insist upon it as an irrefragable argument against the truth of the sacred writings. I will be bold to say, that five-sixths of the objections against the Christian religion, which have of late been industriously spread, are of this kind. Circumcision; resting on the seventh day; keeping fasts and feastsk; eating at some times unleavened bread'; making a distinction of meats; separating themselves from the society of other people"; rejecting all images"; worshipping the God of heaven alone?; permitting none but Jews to enter the temple at Jerusalem; burying their dead'; together with their firm adherence to Moses their lawgivers; are customs indeed plainly hinted in the Acts of the Apostles; but are so well known to have belonged to the Jews, that they need not any long and laborious confirmation. I. g Acts viii. 8. x. 45. xi. 2. and xv. 1. Vid. Hor. 1. 1. Sat. 5. v. 100. et Sat. 9. v. 70. Catull. 45. Juv. Sat. 14. V. 99. 103. Pers. Sat. 5. v. 184. Mart. 1. 7. 29. 88. Strab. 1. 16. p. 761, C. et p. 824, B. Tacit. Hist. 1. 5. §. 5. Suet. Dom. c. 12. n. 6. h Acts xiii. 14. 27. 42. XV. 21. xvii. 2. and xviii. 4. Vid. Hor. 1. 1. Sat. 9. v. 69. Juv. Sat. 6. v. 158. Sat. 14. v. 96. 105. 106. Pers. Sat. 5. v. 184. Tac. Hist. 1. 5. p. 353. 1. 4. Dio, l. 36. p. 36, E. p. 37, C. D. Plut. Symp. I. 4. qu. 5. p. 671, F. 672, A. et de Superstit. p. 169, C. Justin. 1. 36. c. 2. Acts xiii. 2. and xxvii. 9. Vid. Tac. Hist. 1. 5. §. 4. p. 353. 1. 2. Suet. Aug. c. 76. n. 3. Mart. 1. 4. 4. Strabo, l. 16. p. 761, C. et 763, A. Plut. Symp. 1. 4. qu. 5. p. 671, D. Just. 1. 36. c. 2. Acts xviii. 21. Vid. Juv. Sat. 6. v. 158. Pers. Sat. 5. v. 180, &c. Plut. Symp. 1. 4. qu. 5. p. 671, D. E. et 672, A. Acts xx. 6. Vid. Tac. Hist. 1. 5. p. 353. 1. 3. Raptarum frugum argumentum, panis Judaicus nullo fermento, retinet. m Acts x. 14. Vid. Tac. Hist. 1. 5. §. 4. P. 353. n. 1. Juv. Sat. 14. v. 98. et Sat. 6. v. 159. Plut. Symp. 1. 4. qu. 5. Acts x. 28. xi. 3. and xvi. 20, 21. Vid. Juv. Sat. 14. v. 100. 103. 104. Tac. Hist. 1.5. §. 4. 1. 2. Separati epulis, discreti cubilibus, §. 5. 1. 3. Kexwpidaraι de añò Tŵv Xo@v ἀνθρώπων—τὰ περὶ τὴν δίαιταν πάνθ' os eineiv. Dio, 1. 36. p. 37, B. C. Just. 1. 36. c. 2. n. 28. • Acts xvii. 29. and xix. 26. Vid. Tac. Hist. 1. 5. P. 353. 1. ult. Nulla simulachra urbibus suis, nedum templis sunt. Non regibus hæc adulatio, non Cæsaribus honor, p. 354. n. 5, 6. et p. 359. 1. 2. Ovd ayadμa οὐδὲν ἐν αὐτοῖς ποτὲ τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις eoxov. Dio, 1. 36. p. 37, C. Strabo, 1. 16. p. 760, D. 761, A. P Acts xiv. 15. and xvii. 24. Vid. Juv. Sat. 14. v. 97. Strabo, l. 16. p. 761, A. Tac. Hist. 1. 5. p. 354. n. 5. Dio, 1. 36. p. 37, C. 4 Acts xxi. 28, 29. and xxiv. 6. Vid. Tac. Hist. 1. 5. p. 357. 1. ult. Illic, immensæ opulentiæ templum; ad fores tantum Judæo aditus; limine præter sacerdotes arcebantur. Jos. Antiq. 1. 15. c. 11. §. 5, prop. fin. et 1. 8. c. 3. §. 9. and the speech of Titus, de Bell. 1. 6. c. 2. §. 4. Acts ii. 29. and v. 6. 10. Vid. Tacit. Hist. 1. 5. p. 354. n. 3. Corpora condere, quam cremare e more Ægyptio. Acts vi. 11. 13. 14. and xxi. 21. 28. Vid. Juv. Sat. 14. v. 101, 102. Tac. Hist. l. 5. §. 4. |