remarkable periods of oppression; the first, that of a despotism complete in power, and reposing in stern calmness on its conscious strength; the second, that of a dynasty struggling to maintain itself, and from sheer fear and sense of insecurity, betaking itself to severity, and grasping at the arms of tyranny. Under the first rule he was perforce silent, but the second provoked him to resistance. There is as much philosophy as wit in the following comparison of the two eras:—

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Robespierre, Barras, and the Great Napoleon, "had for more than twenty years told me to hold

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my peace. Bonaparte, above all,—that hero "never deceived, never decoyed us with the liberty "of the press, or any other liberty. Somewhat “Turk in his manner, he threw his good people "into jails, but without beguiling them the least "in the world, and never concealing from us his "Royal ideas, which were always to hold as his own our bodies and our property. About souls gave himself little concern: it was only after "his time that they made account of souls. Desiring to speak alone, he imposed silence on us "first, and then on all Europe, and the world was "dumb. No one whispered, no one complained; "and with him there was this convenience, that at "least we knew what we had to do with. I like "this manner, and I have tried the other. The "Charter came; they said, 'Speak, you are free;

"he

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"write, print; the liberty of the

"liberties are guaranteed to you.

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press and all What have you

"to fear? If power is incensed, you have the "Jury, publicity, and the right of petition;—you "have your deputies too, elected, nominated by yourselves. They will not suffer wrong to be "done to you. Speak just for experiment— "tell us something.' Poor I, thinking it all just, "opened my mouth, and said, 'So please you, it " is not my wish to pay for Chambord."* At the "word, they take me, and clap me in prison. "Delivered from this affair, I could not persuade myself but there had been some misunderstand"ing. They must have misconceived me, thought "I, assuredly. A little common sense (rare quality) would have sufficed to deliver me from "this error; but dreaming of the charter, and of

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my guarantees, persuaded that they would hear "me without ill humour, I, this time, hazarded "another request.

*The proposal to purchase an estate, called Chambord, for the then baby Duke de Bordeaux, had been opposed by Courier in a pamphlet of consummate ability. Chambord- Palace jobs are not unknown in sturdy England; but we have no Courier. Here we are all loyal men, “nous naissons valetaille,” and greatly glory in the Pimlicos and Windsors of a most graciously expensive Monarch. Apropos of Royal cost, how original a sentiment is this of Courier, he praises the Duke of Orleans for his economy ! Did ever creature hear the like! as Lady Booby observes when Joseph Andrews lays stress on his chastity.

“If,' said I, holding myself in all humility, 'if "it were your good pleasure to let us dance on "Sundays before our houses.'

"Gendarmes, to prison with him—aggravated punishment, &c. The Jury? a nullity. Right "of Petition? a joke. My Deputies? for me, as "the King's Prefect pretty nearly.""

We must remark by the way, that Sunday dances on greens in France were as odious to the priesthood, and their tools in authority, as music in publichouses is to English Unpaid Magistrates. Courier, a friend to the people in the fullest and justest sense of that much misapplied phrase, defended their pleasures, and opposed his wit to the fanatical interference of the clergy. For this, as for other services to the community, he suffered all the vexations to which power could subject him. Having moved the mind of France by various productions, reaching and embracing very large principles through special instances exciting the attention of the public, he fell by the hand of an undiscovered assassin in April 1825. Though Courier's topics were ephemeral, his writings comprehend so many excellences of style, wit, sentiment, and reason, that they cannot fail to be read with instruction and delight, even when their temporary application has lost its interest.

We scarcely dare ask ourselves the question, what would have been the probable lot of Courier had he acted the part in England which gained for

him such signal celebrity and cheering sympathy in the neighbouring country? That he would have been called a fool in the Quarterly Review we may be sufficiently confident; but for the rest, we cannot form a conjecture. Who in England comprehends the merit of Sydney Smith ?-a few little coteries of literati. Mention the name with honour in general society, and it will be asked whether the person alluded to is Sir Sydney.

There may be, as a contemporary contends, more reading in England than in France; but we are convinced there is more intelligence in France than in England; that is, implying by intelligence, the faculty of apprehension.

UPON THE CLOSE OF THE YEAR 1830.

We have closed the year ONE of the People's Cause. We have closed a year that has teemed with events of a grandeur and importance to mankind, unparalleled in the history of the world. We have closed a year in which Justice has wielded the sword of Victory, and Fortune lent her wheel to Truth. We have closed a year which has carried the mind of Europe forward an interval of ages beyond its antiquated trammels and

thraldoms. We have closed a year which has dated the decrepitude of despotism, and the Herculean infancy of the democratic power; and must not our recollections swell with pride, and our expectations be full of confidence? The past indicates the future. Abroad we have the example of France, both for imitation and for warning. Her people have set before us the great lesson of virtue-her Government of error. The Representative Government, which rests on a narrow constituency, is like the Logan stones, which the finger of a child may move. Reverse the position-place the cone on its broad basis, and a giant cannot stir it. The existing error our neighbours will redress; but the process is one that we wish could have been spared to their temper and virtue. If we draw too much, even on the wisdom of men, we must come to the lees. France has not done enough for herself, but she done enough for the world, and her after-troubles will not affect the force of her present example. The fault is as palpably marked as the passage of glory. The tyranny of one went down, and a hydra wriggled into usurpation. An oligarchy settled into power. The French Chamber of Deputies is now not much better than the British House of Commons.

It cannot be denied, that for the last ten years, step after step has been won by the liberal party, and not one inch of ground any where lost. We