and sufferings only emphasize the fate of the wayward and unstable in all ages, but our author kindly ordains for her restitution and hard-earned happiness. The lesson is a useful one, and the story is well told.

Rules of Order. By Henry M. Robert. 6 x 4. Cloth. S. C. Griggs & Co., Chicago.

This is a pocket manual of rules of order for the government of parliamentary and other deliberative bodies. It is an admirable compendium of parliamentary law, and bids fair to supersede the earlier works of Cushing and Jefferson. It is in every way a commendable vol ume.

NOTES.

Miss Lucretia P. Hale's well-known and deservedly popular “Peterkin Papers" have been brought out anew by Ticknor & Co.

A volume of quotations from the late Mr. Beecher's utterances, called "Beecher as a Humorist," is in preparation by Fords, Howard & Hurlburt.

The Epoch of June 10 will contain an article by Prof. Richard A Proctor on "The Star of Bethlehem," and one by Prof. J. Russell Soley on "The Resurrection of the United States Navy."

A volume of " Essays of Addison," with an introduction by Prof. C. T. Winchester, has been added to the well-edited and well-printed Garnet Series of the Chautauqua Library.

A biographical and anecdotal account of the Rothschild family, with the title "The Rothschilds, the Financial Rulers of Nations," by Mr. John Reeves, is just issued by A. C. McClurg & Co.

The Chilian government has bought for $50,000 the library and MSS. of the late Don Vienna Mackenna, who had devoted much inoney and many years to collecting material for the history of Chili.

M. de Lesseps's reminiscences will be published simultaneously in Paris and London in October. A German edition bas also been arranged for, its first appearance taking place in a Berlin newspaper as a serial.

A. D. Hurd, formerly with Houghton, Mifflin & Co., has joined in partnership with Mr. Cupples, lately of Cupples, Upham & Co., and the new firm will conduct a general publishing and retail business at 94 Boylston street, Boston.

Dinah Mulock Craik, or, as she is better pleased to be known, "The Author of John Halifax, Gentleman," has been traveling in Ireland, and the result of her extensive tour is now embodied in a book under the caption of "An Unknown Country."

The literature of socialism is swelled by John W. Lovell's reprint of the treaties on "The Condition of the Working Classes in England in 1844," by Frederick Engels. Engles is known on his own account and from his close association with Karl Marx.

"Life Notes; or, Fifty Years' Outlook," by Rev. Dr. William Hague, a Baptist clergyman who has held numerous charges in Boston, Providence, Washington, and New York State, is announced by Lee & Shepard. Dr. Hague was an old acquaintance of Emerson's.

The Pall Mall Budget says that "the original manuscript of the 'Pickwick Papers' has been secured by a wealthy New York citizen, much to the delight of the idol-worshipers of that city." The Budget knows very well it is not in New York that idols are worshiped.

The most recent additions to Cassell's National Library are Vol. I, of of White's "Natural History of Selborne," Patmore's "The Angel in the House," Raleigh's "Discovery of Guiana," and (in one volume) De Quincey's "Murder as a Fine Art" and "The English Mail Coach."

Professor Winchell's new book, "Geological Studies," is an exceedingly attractive volume of 540 pages, published by S. C. Griggs & Co., of Chicago. They also publish A. H. Welsh's "Development of English Literature and Language," a comprehensive and philosophical work.

John Burroughs, the well-known writer, never does any literary work in the spring. He then feels particularly blue. He laughingly remarked the other day that if he ever committed suicide it would be in the spring. Mr. Burroughs will visit Colorado about the first of July and expects to spend five or six weeks there.

Professor F. Max Muller's lectures on "The Simplicity of Language," "The Identity of Language and Thought," and The Simplicity of Thought," which were given before the Royal Institution, London, March, 1887 (the last two not having been published nor to be published in England), are to be published in this country from the author's manuscript.

Some of the critics say that Mr. Rider Haggard's defense against the charge of appropriating incidents and ideas from other people's writings is not satisfactory. Very well, let these critics themselves produce incidents and ideas such as astonish and delight on every page of Mr. Haggard's novels, and then their competence to judge him may be admitted.-New York Sun.

One of the most industrious, as he has long been one of the most successful, of living novelists is Mr. Walter Besant, who recently gave to a friend this interesting recipe: "A man who works cannot belong to society in any other sense than the limited circle of his home friends. The time that is left when my engagements are provided for belongs to them and not to strangers."

Mrs. Celia Thaxter, whose most charming poems are those of the sea, had a strange girlhood. Her father, a Mr. Laighton, who was a thorough misanthrope from various disappointments, left Boston when she was a child and bought the Isle of Shoals and lived in that lonely spot, which in those days was quite cut off from the world. There his daughter was brought up in utter isolation.

It is refreshing to find one traveler who has gone through Russia without having his pockets emptied by officials, and who reports an excep. tional honesty among the people. This is the testimony which Mr. John Ball Bouton gives in very lively terms, and repeats with many illustrations, in his "Roundabout to Moscow; an Egyptian Journey," fresh from the press of Messrs. Appleton & Co.

Thomas Nast, according to a Florida paper, is collecting for issue in book form many of the cartoons he has contributed to Harper's Weekly. The first volume will be a Christmas holiday book, to be issued this fall. It will consist of the various Santa Claus and other holiday pieces that have appeared from year to year. Mr. Nast will next arrange the famous Tweed pictures for another volume, to appear in 1888.

Among the Pennsylvania coal-mines Mr. Homer Greene has found material for the simple and affecting story of "The Blind Brother." He is particularly happy in his reproduction of the miners' vernacular, and the tale abounds in figures of strong, rough men, equal to any deed of daring, but having large hearts in their breasts after all. The story of the brave boy, Tom, and his devotion to his blind brother is both noble and tender. (Thos. Y. Crowell & Co.)

The Sun prints the following: "Readers of Harper's Magazine of thirty years ago will be glad to know that Porte Crayon, whose pen and pencil sketches of life in the South in those days were so charming, is passing a peaceful and prosperous old age at Berkley Springs, in his native State, Virginia. Hij real name is David Hunter Strother, and his service in the United States army during the war of the rebellion entitles him to the title of General.' General Strother is seventy years old, and in perfect health."

Among a lot of autographs and curios sold in London on Saturday was a letter from Eugene Aram, written in jail to a clergyman and authenticated by the elder Bulwer; a box made from the top beam of Aram's gallows; one of the malefactor's ribs and a portion of his victim's skull, each also duly authenticated, and a folio volume of Plato, with marginal notes in Aram's writing. They were bought for $950 for Henry Irving, whose "Aram" first made his fame. There were also autographs from Cardinal Richelieu, Robespierre, and Rouget de Lisle, author of the "Marseillaise."

Mr. Julian Hawthorne has made an arrangement with Inspector Byrnes, chief of the detective bureau of New York, by which he is to have free access to the notebooks of the latter, for the purpose of obtaining material for a series of "detective stories" to be published by Cassell & Co. The stories will be founded upon facts startling in themselves, and which, we may feel pretty sure, will suffer nothing in passing through the hands of a skilled novelist and romancer. The first result of this novel partnership, "A Tragic Mystery," will be issued immediately.

Messrs. J. B. Lippincott Company have arranged to publish the "Report of the Commission appointed by the University of Pennsylvania to investigate modern Spiritualism, in accordance with the requst of the late Henry Seybert." Considering the high standing of the university, as well as that of the individual members of the committee, this report will likely prove the most valuable addition of recent years to the scientific knowledge of this abstruse subject. The same firm announce "Bellona's Husband," a new nove! by Hudor Genone, author of " Inquirendo Island." We learn that the work has for its object to illustrate, by means of romance and satire, the underlying principles in human life, and to show, by a species of reductio ad absurdum, the nature of heredity, education, habit, and opportunity, and the bearing of all influences upon character.

The death of the Rev. Samuel Willoughby Duffield, at Bloomfield, N. J, is more than an ordinary loss to the American churches. Mr. Duffield came of an historic family. His grandfather was one of the trio, “Barnes, Beman & Duffield," over whose alleged heresies was conducted the battle between Old School and New, before the Presbyterians divided in 1837. His father and uncle are clergymen and professors. It was as a hymnologist that he was of the most importance. It is more than twenty years since he began to study and translate the great Latin hymns, and at the time of his death he was probably the highest authority on that branch of the subject in America, taking the same rank as Rev. F. M. Bid in English hymnology, and Rev. Dr. Schmucker in German. Mr. Duffield was preparing an elaborate biographical work on the Latin hymn-writers, earlier and later.-The American.

INTENDING purchasers of POND'S EXTRACT cannot take too much precaution to prevent substitution. Some druggists, trading on the popularity of the great Family Remedy, attempt to palm off other preparations, unscrupulously asserting them to be "the same as," or "equal to," POND'S EXTRACT, indifferent to the decelt practiced upon any disappointment thereby caused to the purchaser, so long as larger profits accrue to themselves. Always insist on having POND'S EXTRACT. Take no other.

SOLD IN BOTTLES ONLY; NEVER BY MEASURE. Quality uniform. Prepared only by POND'S EXTRACT CO., New York and London. See our name on every wrapper and label.-Advt.

VOL. III.

POLITICAL.

PRESIDENT CLEVELAND AND THE G. A. R. THE appended comments relate to the approaching encampment of the G. A. R. in St. Louis, the proposed visit of the President to that city during the meeting, and the suggestion that he review the G. A. R. procession:

"A QUESTION OF SNUBBING."

St. Louis Republican (Dem.).

THE action of the Grier-Tuttle combination in forcing a political issue into the G. A. R. encampment is having its natural result in stirring up strife and bad feeling. Individual members of the G. A. R., well known as Republican partisans, have caught the spirit of the conspiracy and have acted in accord with it, but Williams Post, No. 25, of Watseka, Ill., is the first G. A. R. body to put the stamp of officialism on partisan animosity. On the evening of the 4th inst. that post adopted resolutions which are telegraphed to us as follows:

WHEREAS, The Grand Army of the Republic will meet in annual session in September next at St. Louis, Mo.; and

WHEREAS, It is published in the dally, papers that a committee of citizens have invited the President of the United States to visit St. Louis at that time and review the veterans and attend its sessions; and

WHEREAS, It is also stated by the papers that the President has accepted the invitation of the citizens of St. Louls and will attend the encampment of the Grand Army of the Republic; and

WHEREAS, It is a well known fact and Grand Army maxim that we are not a political body and do not propose to be used for anybody's boom; therefore, be it

Resolved, That we deplore the decision of the President to visit St. Louis at that time in view of his well-known feeling towards the soldiers as manifested in his many and numerous vetoes of private pension bills, and especially his veto of the dependent pension bill. We feel that his presence would be deeply deplored by the old foldiers, and would, in all probability, result in publicly Ignoring and snubbing him; therefore, be it Resolved, That neither this post nor any of its members will attend the grand encampment if the President attends.

The basis of these resolutions is the entire misapprehension that the invitation to the President to review the parade proceeds from St. Louis and not from the G. A. R. St. Louis has no right to invite anyone to review the G. A. R., and it has not done so except as supplementing the invitation issued authorized officially by the G. A. R. committee in charge of the encampment. . . . Having invited the President, it is for the G. A. R. to determine whether it will repudiate the action of its committee and witdraw the invitation, or indorse it and give the President a loyal and hospitable welcome. This is a matter for official action by the order. Should it reach the conclusion reached by Williams Post, No. 25, that the President would be "snubbed"-though for our part we do not believe there is a power on earth great enough to "snub" the President of these United States-then it will be the part of decency to repudiate the committee, nullify the invitation, and notify Mr. Cleveland that he is no longer a guest of the G. A. R. We trust, however, in any event, that Williams Post, No. 25, will stay away from St. Louis as long and as far as possible. Williams Post, No. 25, considers the G. A. R. a machine to reach into the Treasury of the United States and grab out pensions. When it is a question between loyalty to the President and the Constitution on one hand and loyalty to the pension grabs on the other, they are loyal to the grab and disloyal to the President. In their eyes it is politics to pass in review before the chief officer of this nation, but not politics to "snub" him, with a view to intimidating and forcing the passage of acts dividing the money in the Treasury among members of a prætorian cohort, which is to set up or pull down, to exalt or to “snub” as it pleases. Their patriotism is the old cry of" Largess! largess!!" which resounded in the Roman prætorium when the grand army of Rome assembled to decide whether it would dethrone emperors and give the purple where there was the most money to be obtained for the legions. It is an accursed idea. It cannot prevail in the United States in the year of grace 1887, thank God!

"BETTER POSTPONE HIS VISIT."

New York Mail and Express (Rep.). WHY should Mr. Cleveland's political friends and wire-workers try to utilize the vast attendance on the national encampment of the Grand Army to get up a quasi-demonstration in favor of the President, who has provoked the ill-will of a large proportion of the Grand Army veterans? General Tuttle says, and he is a most credible witness, that "the G. A. R.

No. 10.

has not invited the President," and he adds, by way of explanation, that "that has been done by an executive committee composed of Union men and rebels. They call themselves Confederates down here, but they call 'em plain rebels up in my State. That's the way it looks to me. If Mr. Cleveland should come an organized effort would be made to entrap the Grand Army into an indorsement of the pension vetoes. Ever since the Democrats came into power there has been a drifting of newly-appointed office-holders into the ranks of the Grand Army. For twenty years these men kept out of our organization because, as they said, there was too much Republicanism about it. Within the past few months these men have come into the ranks in singularly large numbers, and all say they are coming to St. Louis. What we fear is that on the occasion of the campfire at Schnaeder's Garden these men, assisted by a crowd of Democrats and ex-rebels, will try to pass resolutions of confidence in the President. Any such attempt will be sharply checked by the Grand Army men, but would lead to unpleasant feeling and discord." So, too, the G. A. R. Department Commander of Nebraska, H. C. Russell, sustains General Tuttle's statements, and adds: "Scarcely a corporal's guard could be mustered in St. Louis were the President there at the invitation of the Grand Army. The Nebraska veterans would most emphatically decline to do him the honor, and it is most earnestly hoped that he will not be present during the encampment in any capacity, as our men do not want to see him or have anything to do with him. His presence would be a great drawback to the success of the encampment, and would be about the most unpleasant feature that could be introduced. We all hope he will stay away, as his presence could only introduce an exceedingly unpleasant and discordant element into what would otherwise be the most successful encampment ever held." On the whole, the President had better let the Grand Army enjoy its annual encampment without his presence, and postpone his St. Louis visit to a little later date, when the Presidential boom will not get entangled with demonstrations by a class of citizens with whom he showed no sort of active sympathy when they were putting down the rebellion.

"THE GROUNDS OF OBJECTION."

Omaha Republican (Rep.),

THE discussions now going on concerning the President's relations to the Grand Army will probably result in his remaining away from the St. Louis encampment. It is better so. A scene would be unpleasant, and a scene seems certain if he attends. The grounds of objection to his presence are generally misunderstood, however. They are in no sense partisan but purely personal. In the first place, the President has not been invited to review the procession by any proper authority. On the contrary, Commander-in-Chief Fairchild, the only person authorized to extend such invitation, has distinctly and publicly said that it will be better for him not to come. The invitation was sent out by citizens of St. Louis, who assumed that because that city had been chosen for the national encampment that it was a purely local affair and that its conduct was in local bands. This is in the nature of an error. It is not because Mr. Cleveland is a Democrat that the Grand Army objects to him. There are thousands of Democrats in the organization, just as there were thousands of Democrats in the Union army. Nor is it primarily because of the fact that he vetoed certain pension bills. He might have done this and still escaped serious criticism. The secret lies in the language of the vetoes, which was extraordinary in its lack of dignity and good taste. It ranged from elephantine humor to sneering flippancy. It was pervaded throughout with an atmosphere of contempt for the men who wore the blue. He seemed to regard them much as one would a ragged beggar whining imposture at a back gate. He seemed to have no conception of the claim which the veterans have upon the Union, nor to understand that the pension system is not a system of mendicancy but the payment of a just debt. And this from a man who had passed his majority when the war broke out, who was during the struggle at the age when the blood is supposed to be warm and patriotic, and who hired a substitute. No wonder the old soldiers object to be being reviewed by him.

"UNSOLDIERLY AND UNGENEROUS."
New York Star (Dem.).

THE utterances of some of the Grand Army officials regarding President Cleveland's visit to St. Louis are most unsoldierly and ungenerous. It is singular that men who have been gallant and cool in battle, like General Tuttle, of Iowa, should give way to such intemperance in civil life. When Lincoln was President Democratic volunteers did not stop to ask the politics of the commander-in chief under whose orders they

marched to shed their blood. They went to glory or death at the call of the Republican President. Had they shown such a spirit then as some Republican soldiers now exhibit, the Union cause would not have triumphed. The idea that the Grand Army should be hostile and vindictive toward the President of the United States-a President from the loyal North, the brother of two victims of the war-is most preposterous. Were a Southerner President of the United States it would be wise and seemly to welcome him to the celebration of a union saved and perpetuated. We are quite sure that General Tuttle's fierce tirade does not speak the sentiment of the Grand Army any more than Senator Sherman's wild addresses express the belief of our citizens. We have confidence that the Grand Army officers in charge of the St. Louis celebration, and even General Tuttle, will bethink themselves in time and regret and withdraw their unseemly declarations.

"NOT SURPRISED AT THE OUTBREAK OF FEELING.”

Boston Journal (Rep.).

THOSE Who have been in a position to understand the feeling of many ex-soldiers who are members of the Grand Army are not surprised at the outbreak of feeling which the inviting of the President to visit St. Louis after the grand encampment had accepted an invitation has occasioned. It should be said, however, that the feeling is not due to political differences of opinion. In other words, the protest against using the Grand Army to honor the President, which appears to be quite general in the West, is not due to politics. A very large number of ex-soldiers believe that the President has needlessly insulted them in the one hundred and twenty vetoes which he has sent to Congress and the country in regard to pensions. They are incensed at the coarse and cruel epithets which he applied to those who applied for pensions and the contempt for them which his words did not conceal. Thousands are exasperated at his course in regard to the dependent pension bill, that after indorsing it in his message, and after signing the Mexican pension bill, which involved more objectionable features than the dependent bill, he vetoed it and used his influence in Congress to prevent its passage over his veto more than any measure before Congress. Many thousands of veterans, particularly those who served in the ranks, have not yet forgotten these things, and as they have not, they are very naturally indignant that their organization should appear to be used in an underhanded way to be made to appear to render Mr. Cleveland personal honor. But there need be no occasion for any difficulty whatever. The President can be entertained by the people of St. Louis the same week that the National Encampment meets in that city. The organization, while being perfectly respectful to the President if he appears in their presence, can very easily give the country to understand that it has not been used to promote his political aspirations by a St. Louis committee. The wild talk of General Tuttle cannot meet with any general response, and the timely letter of General Sherman should and will have weight with the veterans. The men who saved the Republic will not insult its Chief Magistrate because the office is filled by a man whose expressions have been fairly judged to be unjust to them.

"THE MAJESTY OF A GREAT NATION."

New York Commercial-Advertiser (Rep.).

EVERY citizen of the Republic owes respect and courtesy to the President of the United States, whoever he may be and to whatever political party he may owe his election. As President he represents not a party but the people and the majesty of a great nation. He represents also that which is fundamental, that in which our liberties themselves are founded, namely, the right of a free people to choose their rulers for themselves, and the willingness of a free people to accept the results of election whether those results are pleasing to the individual or not. Every American owes respect to the President for what he represents, and every tolerably decent American citizen willingly pays that respect. The Grand Army of the Republic is an association of citizens who fought in the civil war for the preservation of the Union, organized to preserve the comradeship of the volunteer service and to conserve the sentiment of patriotism which prompted their service as soldiers. Such men are peculiarly bound to defer to the will of the majority in elections, and to insist upon the great dignity and sacredness of the Presidential office. It was for that that they fought, and certainly not for a republic of the South American sort, in which the party that finds itself beaten in an election goes straightway into rebellion. But it is not now necessary to discuss this matter further. The Grand Army men have already repudiated Tuttle, and now General Sherman has "sat down upon" him with all the weight of his great fame and all the energy of his exalted and enthusiastic manhood. Here endeth Tuttle.

"WHAT IS THE MOTIVE AND OBJECT?"
Detroit Tribune (Rep.).

THE G. A. R. veterans are justified in protesting against what they believe to be a scheme to aid the Cleveland boom by bringing the President to the G. A. R. encampment at St. Louis. They feel that they have been imposed upon by the "citizens' committee" of St. Louis, and they have good reason to feel so. Had the G. A. R. wanted the President or any other Presidential candidate to come to the encampment the G. A. R,

would have extended the invitations. But the veterans of this organization do not propose any such thing, and they ought to be allowed to run their own business without the interference of designing politicians or anybody else. Had the G. A. R. invited Mr. Blaine or Senator Sherman to attend the encampment every Democratic organ in the country would have denounced it as a Republican trick, and every old Bourbon in the country would have howled himself hoarse and damned the G. A. R. as an organization manipulated by Republican politicians. Nothing could be more absurd than to presume that President Cleveland has the slightest interest in the Grand Army of the Republic. His eulogies of that once able but now deceased rebel general, Albert Sidney Johnston, and the great South Carolina nullifier, John C. Calhoun, are the highest tributes he has ever paid to soldier or statesman. Why should he desire to attend the G. A. R. encampment? What is the motive? What is the object?

"CAN'T BE TORTURED INTO A CLEVELAND BOOM."
Chicago Inter-Ocean (Rep.).

Ir may be that, as a body, the G. A. R does not love Mr. Cleveland; it certainly has no reason for loving him; but it is certain that as a body the G. A. R. does honor the office of President of the United States, and that office is now held by Mr. Cleveland. It is not likely that men who all risked, and some lost, their limbs in fighting for the principle that there should be one President of the United States and not two Presidents of the Confederacies will insult the presidential dignity on account of dislike to the man who is temporarily clothed with it. The not unnatural antipathy toward Mr. Cleveland which General Tuttle has voiced on behalf of the G. A. R. posts in Iowa can be more effectually expressed at the polls than in refusing to meet with comrades in a city whose guest the President may be at the time of the assembling of all the posts. The St. Louis episode can in no way be tortured into a "boom for Cleveland," as General Tuttle fears. Should the President be in St. Louis, and should the G. A. R. pass in review before him, the act would simply be that of the present Commander-in-Chief of the army of the Nation reviewing the survivors of the grandest army that ever marched to war. There would be nothing personal to Mr. Cleveland about it. The Republican party has always proven its readiness to sink opinion, prejudices, and antipathy in a feeling of respect to the expressed will of the Nation. The President is the legal representative of the last expression of national will, and in this capacity the Inter-Ocean entreats a respectful reception for him by the G. A. R.

"THERE NEED BE NO ANXIETY."
Brooklyn Citizen (Dem.).

BUT, as to the main question of insulting President Cleveland, either in St. Louis or anywhere else, whether it is a Republican faction of the once useful Republican machine, the Grand Army, or the R. B. Hayes Guard, or any other body of men who may think of doing it, there need be no anxiety. The Democracy of the United States is not given to insulting Presidents. Even when they were Republicans they were always safe among Democrats. It is, on the whole, quite unlikely that the citizens who voted for Grover Cleveland will fail to "be there," if any insulting is going on in St. Louis, and to take mighty good care of the insulters. The Democracy has long been known as the "unterrified," and we venture to say that any demonstration of disrespect to the President of this Republic in St. Louis or anywhere else, on the part of any clique of knaves or fools, will entail consequences to those who make it which will be at least disagreeable, whether they disgrace only the Grand Army or their American citizenship. There are enough Demccrats in St. Louis, no doubt, to attend to the business of protecting their city's guest; but if they think they may need assistance they have only to say the word and there will be plenty of it available in Brooklyn.

A WORD FROM GENERAL SHERMAN.
General W. T. Sherman in a Letter.

MR. CLEVELAND, the President of the United States, by a fair election of all of our people, commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, free to come and go wherever the jurisdiction of this, our nation-Government-extends. He may visit any fort or ship, where the national flag will be lowered to manifest respect to him and his office, and should a foreign ship fail to do him full honors none will be so quick to resent an insult as the members of the Grand Army of the Republic, who periled life and limb to make that flag respected at home and abroad. The idea of his being insulted, much less endangered, should he be on the stand alongside of our commander-in-chief, General Fairchild, when the Grand Army is passing in review, seems to me monstrous. I think I know the Iowa boys too well to believe such a thing possible. Brave men are never ungenerous, and the Iowa soldiers were brave men. I know it of knowledge acquired in battle, and pledge my life that no Iowa soldier will do so unmanly an act, and should Mr. Cleveland accept the invitation, which I hope he will, to attend the parade of the Grand Army of the Republic at St. Louis, on the 28th of September next, I will stand by his side or march past in the ranks of Ransom Post, as may be ordered by General Fairchild,

"WILL STAND BY THE PRESIDENT."

Manchester, N. H., Union (Dem.).

THE violent talk of a demagogue like Tuttle will not go far against the sober words of men like General Sickles and other soldiers of equal prominence. The country owes a great debt of gratitude to her soldiers, and she has been most liberal to them in the way of pensions and bounties. It is susceptible of positive proof that we have paid in pensions in the last twenty years on account of one war more than all Europe has paid in the last two hundred years. Our present pension list is actually $15,000,000 a year greater to-day than the pension list of all the other civilized nations on the globe. These are facts that blatherskites like Tuttle, and papers like the Tribune, don't seem to comprehend. But the people do, and the business men and true soldiers will stand by the President who has sworn to administer the affairs of the Government impartially, at the same time jealously guarding the rights and interests of all, and they feel that they can trust him most implicitly to do this.

RESOLUTIONS INDORSING GENERAL TUTTLE.

From a Des Moines, Iowa, Press Telegram.

GENERAL TUTTLE, whose utterances regarding the President's proposed visit to St. Louis has caused so much comment, is here, and at Saturday night's meeting of the local G. A. R. explained his connection with the matter. Resolutions were adopted indorsing his action and disclaiming that the G. A. R. never did and never would invite the President to attend a national encampment. The following were also adopted:

Resolved, That a proper regard for common decency and for the dignity of the official position he now fills should have caused Grover Cleveland to see that he cannot expect to be kindly greeted by Union soldiers after his attacks upon them, their wives, and their children in his malicious vetoes of 119 pension bills, in which with "satanic glee "he so grossly insulted every Union soldier, and, it would seem to us, he should have sufficient self-respect not to attempt to crowd himself before the gaze of those who utterly and unutterably despise him.

Resolved, That if Grover Cleveland and his friends insist upon using the prestige of the Grand Army of the Republic to obtain an audience that he send a substitute, and, if pos sible, the person who represented him in the army during the war. While we respect the office he fills, we must still be allowed to say that we have no kind feeling for its present soldier-hating occupant.

OTHER POINTS AND OPINIONS.

Brooklyn Eagle (Dem.).

In the face of his record, Tuttle's threat to "snub and insult" Mr. Cleveland, and his audacity in accusing him of being a "copperhead President," are the very absurdity of malevolence. He is an example of a class of men who seek to atone for their doubtful loyalty in the days when the nation's life was at stake by exhibiting an exaggerated spirit of devotion after the danger and conflict are over. The fraud betrays itself by the excesses to which it goes. The distrust of Tuttle which the Iowa soldiers showed by their votes in the field is doubly justified by his post-bellum impudence and folly. It is a fair assumption that his heart was not in the cause, and that the recklessness with which he now assails veterans of unimpeachable loyalty is a proof of the dislike which a pretender always feels for sincere and honest men.

Louisville Courier-Journal (Dem.).

THE Grand Army of the Republic is exhorted to punish the President for vetoing sundry pension bills, and to demonstrate merely as a side issue that the G. A. R. is intending to be as much the boss of American Presidents as the Pretorian Guard was the master of Roman Emperors. The pensioners are drawing about $70,000,000 a year, and have been paid since 1870 $587,500,000, but a paltry sum like this such tramps as Tuttle appear to regard merely as a 5 per cent. margin, put up by one party and the other in their speculations, long and short, on the soldier vote. We hope to see evidence that the G. A. R. regard Tuttle merely as the Camp Thersites.

St. Louis Post-Dispatch (Dem.).

NOW THAT the question of the President's visit to St. Louis has been brought to the attention of the Grand Army posts, it would be rank cowardice to attempt to ignore it or to evade the issue that has been raised. The profane blackguardism of Tuttle and the hysteric ravings of the editor of the National Tribune should not be accepted as an official expression of opinion, but at the same time they have been published broadcast, and unless repudiated by the better sense of the Grand Army they will be construed as expressing the views of the organization, a reflection which even the Grand Army cannot afford to endure.

San Francisco Examiner (Dem.).

It is said that certain members of the Grand Army of the Republic are likely to behave disrespectfully toward the President of the United States in the event of his visiting St. Louis at the time of their annual encampment. Of course, the President's plans cannot be affected in any way by the whims of members of this organization. Should there, however, be any considerable number of them (which seems quite incredible) who are not loyal enough American citizens to at least simulate that character in the presence of their Chief Magistrate, it is highly desirable the country should know it.

Toledo Commercial (Rep.).

GENERAL WILLIAM TECUMSEH SHERMAN, in his moments of rhetorical inspiration, says what he tries to put something more. Certainly, the

CLEVELAND, with his known detestation of a Union soldier, ought never to have been invited to review the G. A. R. It is an insult to every veteran and every Grand Army man and one which they will resent. Cleveland has no use for the Union soldier, and the Union soldier has no use for him. When General Tuttle stood up in the council at St. Louis and denounced his conduct and the invitation that has been sent him he did just what any other Northern soldier with the memory of the war still fresh in his mind ought to have done. We think more of the gruff old man than we ever did before, and he will be sustained in his protest by the G. A. R. of this and every other Northern State.

Leavenworth Times (Rep.).

THE Vetoes of President Cleveland, and the sneering allusions he has made in regard to the veteran soldiers of the country, have aroused such violent indignation in the Grand Army that its objection to his presence on such an occasion is quite natural. This is the first time in the history of the country that its loyal defenders refused to welcome the President of the United States with all the honors due his high position. The fact is a remarkable one, and shows how thoroughly the patriot soldiers of the Republic distrust Mr. Cleveland. They know him and don't want him.

Richmond State (Dem.).

TUTTLE knew perfectly well that Mr. Cleveland's acceptance of the invitation to visit St. Louis had no political bearing. He knew that he was urged to make the trip by thousands of citizens irrespective of party. And he will not be deterred by such inflammatory Grand Army men as Tuttle. Fortunately, this man Tuttle does not represent the sentiment of the great body of those who wore the blue. If he did the war issues would live forever, when the fact is sectionalism has been buried long since.

Cincinnati Enquirer (Dem.).

IT is not at all clear that President Cleveland really intended to go to St. Louis, but he ought to go now for the simple purpose, if for no other, of finding out whether the "Grand Army of the Republic" is, or is not, a Republican political machine. Our own conviction is clear that there never was anything in the racket, save the spite work of a few misguided individuals. Mr. Cleveland will be warmly welcomed there as the head of the nation, and as not, individually speaking, a bad sort of a man.

Washington Critic (Ind.).

IT is quite certain that a majority of the Union veterans, even if they do not altogether agree with the President in opinion, have a proper respect for the Presidential office, and will countenance no insult to its incumbent. General George W. Averill, of the Army of the Potomac, says that Tuttle represents nobody but himself, which is not strictly true. He has a following, of course, but it is not likely that he will be able to swing a very large or influential wing of the Grand Army.

New Haven Palladium (Rep.).

GENERAL SHERMAN goes too far when he describes Mr. Cleveland as "the President of the United States by a fair election of all our people." Mr. Cleveland is the President de facto, and thereby entitled to the rights and held to the responsibilities of the office. But to say that he is such by a "fair election of all the people" when his election was due to vast frauds and the denial of the suffrage to tens of thousands of the people in Southern States, is stretching the truth farther than it will bear.

New York World (Dem.).

GENERAL SHERMAN speaks out, like the bluff and chivalrous old soldier he is, in deprecation and denunciation of the rattle-pated Tuttle's talk that the Grand Army posts would "insult" the President at St. Louis. The General "pledges his life that no Iowa soldier will do so unmanly an act." And he offers to "stand by the President's side or march past in the ranks of Ransom Post, as may be ordered by General Fairchild." Get thee to a gopher hole, Tuttle!

St. Louis Globe-Democrat (Rep.).

THERE is no danger whatever that the members of the G. A. R. will offer any insult to President Cleveland during his anticipated presence in St. Louis. They hold his office in too much esteem for that. But they can hardly be expected to grow very enthusiastic over a man who went fishing on Decoration Day, instead of paying decent respect to the graves of the heroes whose lives were given to save the Union.

Boston Transcript (Ind.).

PRESIDENTIAL visits have never done any harm, and there is such a thing as too much of New York and Washington. We do not believe that there is in existence any such thing as a "feeling of indignation on the part of the Grand Army men because the President has been invited to the city at the time the national encampment meets there;" but the mere existence of this gossip shows what would be likely to rise at every step.

Brooklyn Standard Union (Rep.).

FOR the Grand Army to indorse the President's course would be a highly improper proceeding. Equally out of place would be the exhibition of the churlish spirit which suggests withholding from the President of the United States the respectful attention due his exalted office and the independent, progressive, and patriotic people of whose trusts he is for the time being the elected custodian.

Boston Herald (Ind.).

GENERAL TUTTLE, of Iowa, the small-potato politician who called upon the Grand Army of the Republic to insult the President of the nation for his veto of the dependent pension bill, is being snubbed all about. This man Tuttle was a Democrat during the war, and for years after it, but was suddenly converted to the other party four or five years ago, and appears to think it necessary now to signalize himself by superserviceable partisan service. Baltimore American (Rep.).

GENERAL SHERMAN's letter to the two members of the Grand Army, in regard to the reception due the President by that organization at the time of his proposed visit to St. Louis, has a manly ring about it characteristic of the old general. It may well serve to cause some of those who have been endeavoring to gain a cheap notoriety, by assuming an absurd position, to hide their diminished heads in shame.

The Capital, Washington (Ind.).

Ir appears that there are some G. A. R. posts in Iowa composed of men not yet reconstructed. They are unwilling to parade with President Cleveland. It would be well to brigade these veterans with the Mississippi troops that fell out of line at the National Drill because Virginia sent colored soldiers to the competition. The two are of the same piece. Indianapolis Journal (Rep.).

Ir the G. A. R. will pursue the even tenor of its way, and leave to Democratic politicians of St. Louis and elsewhere the responsibility of convoying and entertaining the proposed Presidential hippodrome next September, no unpleasant results will follow, and it can afford to view the proceedings of the boomers with serene amusement.

THE World says that General Tuttle is a broken-down politician. The Evening Post calls him a blatherskite. The Times has carefully considered the subject and sees no reason to recall its opinion that he is merely a plain, unvarnished, everyday sort of an ass.

General Burdett, Ex-Commander-in-chief of the G. A. R. GENERAL TUTTLE is like the rest of us, growing old, and seems to be a little hotheaded; but I do not believe that the President is likely to be treated with anything but courtesy when he comes in contact with members of the Grand Army.

New York Graphic (Dem.).

THERE are a few too many Tuttles. They have survived the war period too effectually for the general good. It will be wise and just to give them the retirement outside of which they are an abominable and very vulgar nuisance.

Council Bluffs, Iowa, Nonpareil (Rep.).

In the first place, the reunion ought never to have been taken to St. Louis. It should have gone to Chicago or Peoria, or some other city whose loyalty is at a premium, not a discount.

Department Commander Burke, Washington, D. C.

I VOICE the sentiment of the G. A. R. of this District, and I think of the whole country, when I say that we do not indorse the sentiment of the resolutions passed by the Iowa post.

Youngstown, Ohio, Telegram (Rep.).

If a more sensitive man, the President would find himself somewhat embarrassed by his pension record on meeting the old veterans.

THE approaching adjournment of the German parliament is announced; but before it separates the government will endeavor to get a measure passed which it has particularly at heart (the municipal laws for AlsaceLorraine) and which has for its object to rivet the chain on the provinces annexed. France, a witness of these hateful manifestations, which concern herself as much as they affect these provinces, continues her organization for national defense and shows her inflexible resolution to raise her forces to the highest possible efficiency. The Chamber of Deputies, that refused, after the retirement of General Boulanger, to adjourn the discussion of the military bill which he elaborated, continues without postponement its further consideration. General Ferron, the new Minister of War, combining his personal views with those of his predecessor, proves that he has no less at heart the safety and honor of the country. At the session on Saturday last of the Chamber he evinced the patriotic spirit by which he is animated in declaring that France should not hesi tate at sacrifices to insure her independence, and that as for himself he considered insufficient her present forces. This is very far from the pusillanimity it was for an instant afraid of seeing substituted for the vigorous efforts made by the anterior cabinet to put the country in a condition to meet any contingency. This energetic attitude was the occa• sion of repeated plaudits to General Ferron in the Chamber, and will assure to him the approbation and esteem of the country, which will recog nize in him the warmth and patriotic initiatives that it demands of those who are in power. It should not be inferred, however, that he has changed the conditions of existence of the cabinet to which he belongs, or that he has strengthened it. The causes of instability to which this cabinet owes its origin exist unimpaired, and already M. Clemenceau has declared, in foreshadowing an aggressive movement, that the opposition to the ministry of M. Rouvier had lost none of its intensity, and that it would reveal itself at an opportune moment.

ITALY REGENERATED.

La Voce del Popolo (Rep.), San Francisco.

[Translated for PUBLIC OPINION. ]

THE statute of Charles Albert, as the first step towards the ultimate phase of the national revolution in Italy, was not the work of princes, but the fruits of that long preparation which from Dante to Machiavelli and Mazzini had matured the national idea. Let us leave the Piedmontese statute of '48 as no longer meeting the requirements of the Italy of 1887. Exultant with patriotic joy in the recollection of that country which twenty years ago was but a geographical expression, to-day is a nation of thirty millions of citizens, we should recall the duties imposed on the day which wrought the great transformation, Long ages of divis ion, a foreign tyranny, and domestic troubles have left deep traces upon our people. This work of transformation is hardly begun. Ignorance, that saddest heritage of tyranny, is, in fact, still one of the sorest wounds of the country. Through this the priest still exercises a strong ascendency over the masses, the rich hold their capital locked up, or yielding little interest, not knowing how to employ it in commerce and indu-try; through this also agriculture remains stationary, pursuing antiquated methods of cultivation, and rejecting new discoveries in science. Some thing, it is true, has been done; but very much remains to be accom plished before Italy is raised to the level of the other powers that dom nate in the world, not by military power alone, but by the culture of the masses and by a scientific agricultural and industrial activity. Italy has a great past. She was great when the nations now in the vanguard through power, riches, and the diffusion of education among the people, were yet in a state of infancy. In the middle ages she was the first to arouse Europe to regain the march of classic Christian civilization, interrupted by barbarian irruptions. This past imposes upon her people, now that they are united and free, the task of resuming the progress lost dur ing a prolonged servitude. To this end the means are twofold: educa tion and labor. With the one they will acquire true liberty, with the other they will regain the riches necessary to attain that well-being, without which liberty itself is a delusion. Excelsior!