When Lord Chesterfield met the parliament on the 8th of October, his speech to them bespoke the wisdom of his conduct: he addressed himself to a feeling people with the authority of a ruler and with the affection of a father. Conscious as he was, that a very large part of them was still rancorously disposed towards the Catholics, he would not all at once shock their inclinations and prejudices by a declaration of that indulgence, which his political experience pointed out to him adviseable at all times, but absolutely indispensable in that juncture: like a great statesman he first assured them, that he was honoured with the king's commands to meet them in parliament, and to co-operate with them in whatever might tend to establish or promote the true interest of that kingdom. Then referring pointedly to the circumstances of the Scotch rebellion, and the happiness they had enjoyed under the house of Brunswick, he thus touched upon the old subject of invective to all his predecessors on their meeting the parliament. "The measures, that "have been hitherto taken to prevent the growth of Popery "have I hope had some, and will still have a greater effect: "however I leave it to your consideration, whether nothing fur"ther can be done either by new laws, or by the more effectual "execution of those in being, to secure this nation against the great number of Papists, whose speculative errors would only "deserve pity, if their pernicious influence upon society did "not both require and authorise restraint." And "for my own part (he concluded) I make you no professions: you "will, you ought to judge of me only by my actions." "bishops, or other dignitaries of that church, or any of the Irish clergy, had "either directly or indirectly, encouraged, aided, or approved of, the com mencing or carryiag on of that rebellion." There cannot be a more honourable testimony confirming this report of Primate Stone, than the charge given to the grand juries of the city and county of Dublin, by the Lord Chief Justice Marlay, in which he thus addressed them: "When posterity read, that in this age a rebellion was carried on in Great Britain without the least co"lour, or pretence of oppression, nay, by many who had not even that false "pretence of religion to palliate their treason against a prince, one of the best, "the most merciful, just and most generous of our royal line, who has given "the fortunes of all criminals, whether forfeited for crimes against the state, or for other offences, to their children or relations (a grace never practised "before); who has exposed his person at the head of his armies, in defence "of the liberties of his kingdoms, and of Europe; and that Ireland, where "much the greatest part of the inhabitants profess a religion, which some"times has authorised, or at least justified rebellion, not only preserved peace "at home, but contributed to restore it among his subjects of Great Britain; "will they not believe that the people of Ireland were actuated by something more than their duty and allegiance? Will they not be convinced, that they "were animated by a generous sense of gratitude, and zeal for their great be"nefactor, and fully sensible of the happiness of being blessed by living under "the protection of a monarch, who, like the glorious King William, the Hen"ries, and Edwards, his royal predecessors, has himself led his armies to victory, and despised danger in the cause of his people; and one from whom "we not only expect, but are assured of, a race of princes, equally eminent "for their generosity, prudence, and courage.” * The lords on the same day resolved on an address to the king, which should amongst other things express their great thankfulness to his majesty for his goodness in placing over them, at that critical juncture, his excellency, the Earl of Chesterfield, whose distinguished abilities often and signally exerted in the service of his majesty, so eminently qualified him for the important trust then reposed in him by his majesty for the secu rity and happiness of that kingdom. And on the next day the commons voted an address to the throne, in which they assured his majesty, that they could not have a stronger assurance of his majesty's tender concern for them, than in the choice of a governor for that kingdom, so eminent for great abilities and distinguished merit as the Earl of Chesterfield, whose discerning judgment had pointed out what was necessary for their consideration and care, both with respect to the honour of his majesty's government, and their own true interest. The Earl of Chesterfield found but an inconsiderable military force in the kingdom: and had he given ear to the alarmists of that day, who magnified external and fabricated internal danger, he would have drained Great Britain of her troops to quell an ideal insurrection by measures. that probably would have created a real one: had he trodden the beaten path of patronage, he would have raised new regiments: had he pursued the old system of the castle, he would have encreased the expenditure, and trebled the supplies, under the hackneyed cries of Popish risings for a Popish Pretender, and Protestant massacres: had he continued the system of rigour and persecution he found carrying on against the Catholics at his arrival in that kingdom; their places of worship would have remained shut, and the pri sons and scaffolds would have been crouded with their priests, for disobeying the proclamation lately issued to oblige them to quit the kingdom, and for enforcing the strictest execution of the penal laws of Elizabeth and Anne. The conduct of this wise viceroy was directly the reverse. Confiding in the steady loyalty of the Irish people, instead of encréasing, as he was importunately advised, the army by 4000 men, he sent four battalions to the assistance of the Duke of Cumberland, and encouraged volunteer associations to form in different parts of the kingdom for the defence of their country. These battalions he replaced by additional companies to the regiments already on the establishment, without encreasing the expenditure of the nation, the influence of the crown, or his own patronage or emolument. The supply asked for by Lord Chesterfield was small: it was raised with ease and expended with economy: there was 3 Lords' Journ. p. 591. a considerable saving out of what was raised, and it was applied to the improvement of the harbour of Cork. He rested the support of his measures upon their rectitude, and chastely abstained from gaining friends by the customary mode of reversionary grants. He opened to the Catholics their places of worship, released their priests out of prison, and allowed them the undisturbed exercise of their religious duties. This great statesman well knew, that the Irish, above all other people, were to be gained and secured by confidence, kindness and liberality. Thus Protestants and Catholics, Whigs and Tories, English and Irish interests, all stricken with the glare of rectitude of his measures, united in contributing to render his government agreeable and efficient. Neither in nor out of parliament was a single measure of this excellent governor opposed, or disrelished. The lords almost immediately (viz. on the 9th of * In many parts of the country the Popery laws were executed with the most unrelenting rigour: it is however but an act of justice to several of the magistrates of that day to observe, that they were even ingenious to extend their leniency to those, who they were conscious, did not deserve rigour at their hands. Their humanity revolted against the power, which the law gave them: when the Reverend Mr. Egan was prosecuted for being a Popish priest, the witnesses swore they saw him celebrate the Mass, which in the eye of the law was sufficient to convict him; but the judge replied, that Garzia the Jew had done the same in Dublin, in 1718, and that nothing would do to prove Egan a Popish priest, but to substantiate his ordination after the manner of the Romish church; "besides (said he) to my knowledge, a priest must know some Latin, "but here is a booby that cannot read a word of English." The arrival of Lord Chesterfield as viceroy served to mitigate the severity of those unsocial times, and he availed himself of an accident, which was universally spoken of, to soften the rage of persecution. A Mr. Fitzgerald happened to say Mass in the garret of a very old house, which gave way on account of the immense crowd that was assembled; the priest and nine persons were killed, and numbers wounded by the ruins. People in power were touched with a transitory pity, which Lord Chesterfield's humanity took care to cultivate. The chapels were allowed to be opened on St. Patrick's day, and were never after shut, not even during the rebellion, which blazed in Scotland in the year 1745. Doctor Maty thus retails this governor's conduct (Mem. Sect. V.) Upon the breaking out of the rebellion, the private Popish chapels in the metropolis had been searched for, and ordered to be shut up, proclamations were issued to compel the priests to leave the capital, and the refractory were imprisoned and threatened with severe punishments. The new lord lieutenant did not want for advisors, who pressed him to follow this example. His enlarged notions of humanity and true politics induced him to pursue a different and much wiser course. He allowed the Roman Catholics the free use of their religion, and far from attempting to shut up their places of worship, he rather wished them to continue open; and prevented any disturbance from being given to those, who resorted to them. His view was to discover whether the people of that denomination remained in the kingdom, or left it to go over to their sup posed friends in Scotland. To be informed of that material fact, he took care to engage persons to attend at their chapels and fairs, and received with great satisfaction, assurances, that they were both as much frequented as ever. A certain proof of the confidence they placed in his promises, and of their desire not to molest government. The deluded adherents to the exiled family were treated with equal lenity and prudence. One of them, a Roman Catholic, who had an estate in the neighbourhood of Dublin, and was looked upon as an agent October 1745) expressed their satisfaction at the appointment of this great statesman at so critical a juncture, in an address to the Pretender, was privately sent for to the castle, "Sir (said Lord Chesterfield), I do not wish to inquire whether you have any particular employ"ment in this kingdom, but I know that you have a great interest amongst "those of your persuasion. I have sent for you to exhort them to be peacea “ble and quiet. If they behave like faithful subjects, they shall be treated as "such; but if they act in a different manner, I shall be worse to them than "Cromwell." Whether he would have really been so, may be doubted; but this conversation, together with his watchful eye, had such an effect, that not one of them stirred during the whole time of the rebellion, and all the infor mations against particular persons were found absolutely groundless. His efforts to remove prejudices, and maintain harmony and benevolence, were se conded by writers, whom he encouraged to support the same cause. Dean Swift was still alive, when Lord Chesterfield arrived, but reduced to a state of total dotage and insensibility, which one month after ended in his death. This short interval was laid hold of, to publish under his name a new letter of a Drapier to the good people of Ireland, and particularly to the poor Papists. It was so much in the dean's style, and was so greedily received, that it went through a variety of editions in a month's time. Indeed the many strokes of wit and humour, that it contained, would induce me to suspect, that his lordship had some share in it. Berkeley, the bishop of Cloyne, employed himself in the same cause, perhaps more usefully than in his recommendation of tar water, or his dialogues against matter. His letter to the Roman Catholics of his diocese was worthy of a Christian bishop. He endeavoured to dissuade his fellow citizens and neighbours from falling into the same errors which had been so fatal to their fathers; and appealing to their reason, convinced them, that their situation was as advantageous as they could wish it to be, and that it would be the height of imprudence to engage in a dangerous cause, to which neither interest did invite, nor conscience did oblige them." Reason never speaks in vain; the most hardened are insensibly softened by its voice. The Irish priests, sensible of the gentleness of the present administration, co-ope rated with their Protestant brethren to maintain order and tranquillity. These pastoral letters, public discourses from the pulpit, and private admonitions, were equally directed for the service of government. The ill-grounded apprehensions of the friends to the present system were not less to be guarded against, than the enterprises of its enemies. This was by much the most difficult task, but Lord Chesterfield was equally successful in encouraging the former and disarming the latter. By constantly appearing to be afraid of nothing, he spread an universal belief that nothing was to be feared; and by the ridicule be threw upon the violent measures which were proposed to him, he manifested his desire of abstaining from them till there was real danger. Thus (Notes to the Memoirs, p. 29 and 31) the same author says, that a zealous Protestant, thinking to pay his court to the lord lieutenant, came to inform him, that one of his coachmen was a Roman Catholic, and privately went to Mass. Does be indeed? (said his lordship) well, I will take care be shall never carry me there. An instance of his lordship's calmness and presence of mind on this occasion has been given by the Bishop of Waterford. "I cannot (says he) forbear to mention a pun of his lordship's, which shews "his quickness at repartee, and that he had the best information of the dispo"sitions of the Roman Catholics, and was not afraid of them. The vice-trea"surer, Mr. Gardner, a man of a good character and a considerable fortune, "waited upon him one morning, and in a great fright told him, that he was "assured, upon good authority, that the people in the province of Connaught "were actually rising. Upon which Lord Chesterfield took out his watch, "and with great composure answered him, It is nine o'clock, and certainly "time for them to rise; I therefore believe your news to be true." to the lord lieutenant ;* in which they expressed their sense of his majesty's favour and goodness towards Ireland in sparing from his councils in Great Britain, a person of his excellency's known and tried abilities for the good and advantage of that nation. The commons were more tardy in expressing their sentiments to the viceroy, though their address, which was made on the 5th of April 1746, were more pointed, as being founded in the happy experience, and not in the anticipated confidence of his administration. The earl of Chesterfield had the satisfaction of seeing all his attempts to serve the kingdom he was sent, in that critical moment, to govern, requited by the most peaceful demeanour and enthusiastic gratitude of the Irish nation. He was universally admired on his arrival, beloved during his stay, and regretted upon his departure. To perpetuate his virtues and the gratitude of the nation, his bust was placed in the castle of Dublin at the public expence.‡ 4 Lords' Journ. p. 594. +4 Commons Journ. p. 506. MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY, WE the commons of Ireland in parliament assembled, beg leave to express our sincere and unanimous sense of the benefits which we have received from your excellency's mild and prudent administration. His majesty's gracious acceptance of the duty and loyalty of his subjects in this kingdom, has been particularly manifested by his committing them to your excellency's care, in so critical a conjuncture, when your zeal for the present happy establish. ment was of more immediate importance to our security, and your eminent abilities could be more effectually exerted for our service. These uncommon talents, by which your excellency has been most justly distinguished, and which did in all times excite our admiration, must now more sensibly affect us, when we have seen them through your whole administration, so invariably directed, and employed with so unwearied an application to support the dignity of his majesty's crown, and to promote the true interest of his people. As upon the first appearance of the rebellion in Scotland, our zeal for his majesty animated us with a just resentment and indignation, and as our concern for the preservation of our rights and liberties, so dear to the Protestants of this kingdom, could not but raise in our minds some unquiet apprehensions; we were ready, as we shall ever be, cheerfully to concur in all proper measures, and to exert our utmost strength for the defence of the king's government, and the support of your excellency's authority under him. And we do now, with equal cheerfulness, and with the utmost gratitude acknowledge, that the profound tranquillity, which, without any extraordinary increase of public expence, we of this nation have hitherto enjoyed, has been the result of a wise and vigilant administration over us; an administration formed upon the principles and carried on by the uniform exercise of lenity without remissness, and of firmness without severity. We receive it as a particular mark of your excellency's regard, that when your assistance at his majesty's councils in this time of the most ardu. ous and extensive deliberations there, must have been so necessary, you have seemed to consider the business of this kingdom as the principal object of your attention. Upon this account we think it almost superfluous to add our request, that your excellency would, on your return, represent us in the most favourable manner to his majesty, since our experience of your past conduct must sufficiently assure us of the continuance of the same good dispositions. towards us, and as we are most firmly persuaded that your presence has not been more conducive to our safety now, than your influence will hereafter be to our prosperity. Doctor Maty has elegantly and concisely painted the halcyon hours of Lord Chesterfield's government. (Sect. V.)" As it was owing to the lord |