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priety of urging all that had occurred to him. He was restrained by the consciousness, that every thing which he said would be misrepresented in Ireland, and that for the basest of purposes. He reminded the house again, that the Irish mutiny bill had originated in this country, and that it had passed under the most suspicious and alarming circumstances. He concluded with saying, that he should move for the recommitment of the bill, when the present question was settled.

Mr. T. Townshend seconded the motion.

The secretary at war spoke in very guarded terms of the extreme delicacy of the subject. It had been a great object in former reigns to endeavour to induce the legislature in Ireland to pass a mutiny bill, which had not been accomplished till the time of Queen Anne. The objects of that bill were the raising, paying, and due government of the army; the bill of Queen Anne went only to the first two objects, but it was a perpetual bill. In the year 1688 the first mutiny bill was passed in England, at which time an attempt was made to pass a similar bill in Ireland, which failed. In 1692 a bill passed the House of Lords, and was sent thither. The great Lord Somers was then attorney general; and every one knows how much the attorney general has to do with Irish bills in that stage. The great authors of the Revolution were anxious, that Ireland should have a mutiny bill of their own; and though many attempts were made to introduce one, it was not until it was known that they would not admit of one, that the word Ireland was inserted in the English mutiny bill. This bill was on the same principles, as that now the subject of. debate; like that, it obliged the army to obey certain rules and articles of war, published, or to be published, and authorized by his majesty, and like that, it was perpetual; yet Lord Somers, and all those warm defenders of constitutional liberty, who were then in power, approved the bill. Those who had been deeply concerned in settling the Revolution, in framing the bill of rights, and all the measures of that most respectable period of our history, had concurred in their advice in council to approve their bill. It had been sent over to the Lord Deputy Sydney, with an injunction to endeavour to prevail, that it should be passed in both houses. It failed in the commons. The perpetuity of this bill in Ireland, he considered as necessary for the very reasons, that had been urged against it. It was certainly proper to prevent the great inconveniencies, that would arise from the army's being subject to different mutiny acts in different situations of service; yet it would be impossible to avoid it, if the mutiny bill were considered as annual, and subject to alterations in both countries.

Lord Mahon said, he was aware of the delicacy of touching upon the question of the superintendency of the British parliament

over Ireland, and of the danger of opposing it in contradistinction to the superintendency of the Irish parliament.

Mr. Burke observed, that in the then divided and distracted state of the empire, when every thing seemed to be falling to pieces, it became men to be firm, and to look on the preservation of what yet remained as their first duty. The question being put, it passed in the affirmative without a division.

Notwithstanding the Earl of Carlisle was sent over on purpose to give firmness and energy to the Irish government, which was considered on this side of the water to have been greatly enfeebled by the administration of his predecessor, he found himself wholly incapable of checking the spirit of volunteering, which now knew no other object, than the attainment of a free and independent constitution. The reviews in 1780 had pointed out the utility of forming regiments: it was clearly perceived, that companies acting separately could never attain military perfection. In the spring of 1781 reviews were again fixed on, and in summer when they assembled, the improved state of the volunteers was obvious to every eye; the reviews were every where more numerous, more military, and more splendid. That of Belfast, which in 1780 was the largest, had in 1781 nearly doubled their number: 5383 men then appeared in review, with a train of thirteen field pieces; other reviews had proportionally increased and improved; the volunteers engaged the affection and commanded the admiration of all their countrymen. The inhabitants of the different places where they were reviewed, behaved with unbounded hospitality, and entertained with emulous profusion their countrymen in arms. Lord Charlemont was again particularly distinguished among the reviewing generals, and reviewed a very considerable part of the volunteer army. The addresses and resolutions after the reviews in 1781, were greatly diversified; some contained politics, and spoke bold truths; others avoided political discussion all felt that Ireland was not free.

*On the 9th of October, 1781, the Earl of Carlisle met the parliament, when after the common place recommendations of the charter schools, linen trade, tillage, fisheries, and general commerce of the country, his excellency assured them, that his majesty ardently wished the happiness of his people of Ireland, in whose affection and loyalty he placed the firmest reliance. "And although," said his excellency, "I am not directed to call upon you for any extraordinary supplies in this time of general hostility, when these kingdoms are exposed to an unnatural "and dangerous combination of enemies, I have not the smallest doubt, but that I shall be enabled to assure his majesty of your

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"cordial disposition to give him every assistance compatible "with your means and circumstances.

"No event could more contribute to the public security than "the general concurrence, with which the late spirited offers of "assistance were presented to me from every part of this king“dom; and I am fully convinced, that if necessity had arisen, it "was in my power to have called into action all the strength and "spirit of a brave and loyal people, eager under my direction to "be employed in aid of his majesty's regular forces, for the pub"lic defence.

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"I trust that every part of my conduct will demonstrate how "much it is the wish of my heart to engage your confidence: I "shall claim it only in proportion as I shall be found to deserve "it, by an unwearied endeavour to promote the prosperity of Ire"land; and I am sensible, that this is the best method of recommending my services to our sovereign, and of obtaining your concurrence toward the ease and honour of my administration." It had now become notorious, that government wished to check and disarm the volunteers; but they were frightened into acquiescence; they had before reluctantly distributed amongst them 16,000 stand of arms, and it was now found politic to soothe and court the power they could no longer control.

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Mr. O'Neil moved the address to the throne, which was as usual an echo of the speech; to which no opposition was given. He felt himself called upon to explain, that the words liberality of the British parliament were merely confined to the grants of their late extended commerce to America and the West Indies.

Mr. Grattan, after having made some reflections upon the liberality of the last parliament in voting 500,000l. and the incompetency of the nation to support Great Britain in the prosecution of the American and French war, took notice of the extreme caution, with which the address avoided mentioning the word volunteer, that wholesome and salutary appellation which he wished to familiarize to the royal ear; he would not, however, insist on having it inserted, as he had reason to believe the right honourable mover did intend to make a proper mention of those protectors of their country.

Mr. O'Neil declared, he was not deceived in this opinion, that the motion to which he had alluded, was intended to thank the volunteers of Ireland for that glorious spirit, unexampled in all history, with which they had so eagerly pressed forward, when the nation was thought to be in danger. He then moved, that the thanks of the house should be given to all the volunteers of Ireland, for their exertions and continuance, and for their loyal and spirited declarations on the late expected invasion.

Mr. Conolly seconded the motion.

Mr. Fitzgibbon (afterwards Earl of Clare) thought the vote unnecessary and improper, after the censure which had been passed upon part of that body last session. They were totally incompatible, and could not stand together in the records of one parliament. He therefore moved, that the former censure should be read, before the present motion should receive its decision.

Error

Mr. Bradstreet the recorder observed, that almost at the time the resolution mentioned was passed, parliament relented, and became itself a mediator. He was exceedingly averse from renewing any jealousy between parliament and the volunteers. was the common lot of human nature: it was not inconsistent with the tenor of human occurrences, to censure at one time, and give due praise at another; and therefore requested that Mr. Fitzgibbon would withdraw his opposition.

Mr. Conolly found himself so much interested in that affair, that he could not decline expressing his sentiments. He was the person, who had the honour of first moving the thanks of that house to all the volunteers of Ireland, for taking up arms at a critical period. He was happy to be the harbinger of such a token of national gratitude; but when the papers alluded to were published, by some few volunteers, he thought it incumbent on him to get up again, for the honour of the whole, and move the vote of censure, which remained upon the journals, against the dangerous resolutions that had been published. The same spirit that prompted him to applaud the virtuous and patriotic conduct of the great body of volunteers, obliged him to condemn whatever appeared derogatory from that character, in a few ; yet, notwithstanding all the misrepresentations, that had been made of his conduct in the public papers, his love and attachment to the volunteers was still the same. The few who had fallen into error, had gloriously repaired the fault; and he would now, with as much pleasure as ever he felt in his life, support the vote of thanks, and move to expunge the vote of censure.

Mr. Fitzgibbon declared, he did not rise to oppose the motion of thanks to the volunteer corps, for whom no man entertained a higher respect than he did; but he rose to preserve the dignity of the house, to prevent their proceedings from falling under the charge of inconsistency. He hoped the conduct of the house would ever be marked by a dignified uniformity, which could not be the case, if they entered into a resolution of thanks to all the volunteers, while the journals of the house contained matter of the highest censure against some particular corps. Those resolutions he therefore wished done away, before the house could proceed to a vote of thanks.

Mr. Scott (attorney general, afterwards Lord Clonmel) asserted, that the resolution had been only intended against the printers

and publishers of inflammatory paragraphs, and not aimed at the volunteers; that if the honourable gentleman, who now made the objection, had been present last session, he would have joined in the resolution. He had as high a veneration as any man in the kingdom for the armed associations, or call them by what name they would, (said he) a virtuous armed people. If any blame lay for want of prosecution, it in a great measure lay with him, as the proper officer of the crown. But he could not help thinking that the parliament, last session when the respectable name of volunteer was abused, shewed a peculiar dignity in taking up that affair, and then generously relinquishing every idea of resentment, lest it should be considered as extending to the whole body.

After a long debate, Mr. Fitzgibbon withdrew his objection, (indeed, every member wished it never had been started) and the house passed the resolution of thanks with the most hearty and unanimous good will, at the same time ordering the sheriffs of the different counties to present them.

At this critical juncture, the patriotic body of Ireland may with truth be said to have consisted of the minority in parliament, and the whole mass of the people, high, middle, and low, without. They were determined to go hand in hand; to act in concert, and never to desist, till they were free and independent, as was Great Britain. On the 10th of October, 1781, Mr. Bradstreet, the recorder, a very staunch patriot, moved in the House of Commons* for leave to bring in heads of an Habeas Corpus Bill, prefacing his motion by observing, that the liberty and safety of the sub jects of Ireland were insecure until an Habeas Corpus Act should take place; that arbitrary power had made great strides and innovations on public liberty, but was effectually restrained by that law which had its full operation in England, but did not exist in Ireland. It was, he said, the opinion of a great and learned judge, that this law was the grand bulwark of the constitution. Leave was granted; and Mr. Yelverton and the recorder were ordered to prepare and bring in the same.

Mr. Grattan said, he was willing never to condemn an admin, istration until he thoroughly knew he had sufficient grounds. The ministry of England had offered America the regulation of her own armies ; he could not see any reason, why the loyal people of Ireland should be denied that benefit. He would, he said in due time, bring forward the mutiny act to be agitated upon that subject; and if it were opposed, it would at least have the constitutional freedom and spirit of the country to contend with. A bill for rendering the judges independent during good behaviour, and some other bills, were spoken of. When Sir

• Parl. Debates, p. 10,

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