niators, touched with truth, as with the spear of Ithuriel, would start into shape. What thanks were due to the chief governor, who so respectfully mentioned the societies of armed patriots throughout the kingdom. What must their opinion be of a chief. governor, who spoke so honourably of that great bulwark of constitutional liberty, a national militia? Though their distresses were great, from them prosperous days might spring.

Mr. Grattan said, the speech contained nothing explicit, nothing satisfactory it meant to quiet the minds of the people, without any declaration whatever. After his majesty had been addressed by his Irish subjects for a free export trade, did such addresses require no answer? Were the people of Ireland undeserving the notice of the British ministers? Was there no respect for the interests of these kingdoms among the servants of the crown on that side of the water? Were not these servants of the crown also representatives of the people? Why not then speak out? Were their distresses of so private a nature, that they must not be mentioned? Here he gave an eloquent and pathetic picture of the miserable condition of the kingdom. It was plain they had nothing to expect, since applications from the people, backed even by the officers of the crown, were not attended to. had nothing to depend upon but her own spirit; no redress of Ireland then grievances, no extension of trade, but from the efforts of her people! and would it be politic, would it be safe, here or elsewhere, to oppose these efforts? Why does not the address also speak out? Why had they less spirit than the people? Should the commons of Ireland shew less spirit than the most insignificant corporation? The distresses of Ireland were twofold, the beggary of the people, and the bankruptcy of the state. was ruined by a balance of trade against her for so many years, The kingdom and the drain of absentees; the prevailing spirit of associations was but a temporary expedient, and something more effectual must be done.

The bankruptcy of the state was the consequence of a system of boundless prodigality, profligacy, and violence. The peace establishment of that poor country amounted to one-sixth of that of England; and what proportion was there in their means? What was that establishment? Infamous pensions to infamous men! (Here he launched into personalities.) And would those men, whom they paid, vote against an extension of their trade? Vote against the means of supporting them? To what pass had administration reduced that kingdom! To be insulted with their poverty in the speech from the throne; to be told of their beggary; that the officers of the crown there had begged 50,000/. from England, or the troops could not have marched into camp; when it

was known, that it was that profligacy, that has unnerved the arm of government, and made the sword of defence fall in its hands. He then moved an amendment to the address, to be inserted in the following words:

"That we beseech your majesty to believe, that it is with the utmost reluctance we are constrained to approach you on the present occasion; but the constant drain to supply absentees, and the unfortunate prohibition of our trade, have caused such calamity, that the natural support of our country has decayed, and our manufactures are dying away for want. Famine stalks hand in hand with hopeless wretchedness, and the only means left to support the expiring trade of this miserable part of your majesty's dominions, is to open a free export trade, and let your Irish subjects enjoy their natural birth-right." Lord Westport seconded Mr. Grattan's motion for the amendment. Mr. Flood considered the address as inexplicit. Sir Henry Cavendish declared he would vote against the amendment, apprehending that this business would be better effected by opening a committee on purpose, or rather following a precedent in the year 1661, when the lords and commons of Ireland appointed commissioners to attend the king, to supplicate the redress of grievances.

Mr. Ogle reprobated the idea of entering into a committee on the subject of grievances: he was sick, he said, of the mode of trifling with the nation in order to gain time; if they did not mention something in the address, the ministry might again shelter themselves under the old excuse, that truly they did not know what the Irish wanted, as their parliament was silent on the head; and so went on with the old system of duplicity.

Sir Edward Newenham conjured the house, by all they held dear, to resume their wonted dignity and power, charged the British ministry with contempt and neglect to the nation, and called on their warmest advocate to deny the assertion; said he perfectly agreed with Mr. Flood, that the address did not go far enough, and that he thought the original address a servile echo to the speech.

The Provost drew a most pathetic picture of the melancholy situation of his native country, declaring, on that question, that no administration should bias him from the welfare of his country.

The Attorney General delivered a studied eulogium on the sensibility of the king, and the humanity of his minister.

The debate now took a new turn; several of the ministerial party declared, that though they thought this business might have come more properly otherwise, yet, that there might be an unanimity, they would not oppose the amendment.

The Rt. Hon. Henry Flood declared for the amendment, and entered largely into a justification of his political conduct, which, he said, had unfortunately been much misrepresented; that the office he held was the unsolicited gift of his sovereign, which he had received with gratitude, and held with honour, that when a time came, that he could no longer do it, he would gladly throw the bracelet into the common cauldron.

Mr. Prime Serjeant, (Hussey Burgh) after expatiating on the necessity of immediately laying, in an unequivocal manner, the state of the distresses at the foot of the throne, moved in lieu of the amendment proposed, "that it is not by temporary expedients, "but by a free trade alone, that this nation is now to be saved "from impending ruin."

The amendment was carried Nem. Con. as was also the address to the lord lieutenant.

So crying were the distresses of Ireland at this period, so impotent was the hand of government to relieve them, that the most important change of disposition, sentiment, and action in the people took place under the eye, in defiance and with the acquiescence of government. By the melancholy consequences of the American war, our fleets had become inferior to the combined forces of the enemy: our own coasts were insulted, those of Ireland wholly unprotected: the military establishment had been so drained to recruit the regiments in America, that there were not 5000 forces in that kingdom to defend the sea-ports even from the crews of single vessels. Hence arose the necessity of volunteers arming in defence of their abandoned country. Government affrighted at the situation, into which they had thrown or permitted the country to be thrown, delivered out to the people 16,000 stand of arms, thereby encouraging and increasing the number of volunteers, without any stipulation, regulation, or authority for organizing or subjecting them to subordination. The commercial face of the country exhibited a still more desponding view: her vessels taken within sight of her ports: her trade shackled in almost every branch by British restrictions: an embargo on the exports of her provision trade: her linens lying upon their merchants' hands: her imports and her absentees swallowing up all her currency: and slight or no returns to supply an exhausted treasury. Wretchedness, desperation, and ruin presented themselves at every point of view, and in the debate upon the speech from the throne, once more dissolved the ministerial phalanx, and imperiously called upon the staunchest supporters of the castle interest to quit their ranks, and vote for a free trade. The nation rejoiced at this glorious opening of the session, and poured forth its gratitude to parliament; they in their turn paid their tribute of thanks to the volunteers, who it

appears now amounted to 42,000 men. It is singular, that this formidable body, armed and organized by no other authority or sanction than the great law of self-defence, was neither charged nor questioned by the Irish government or parliament as to the legality of their commission or delegation. Government had so wasted its vigour, that it could not raise its arm in self-defence. Whilst this debate was going forward, the populace assembled round the parliament house, and with full impunity menaced the members, and demanded oaths of them to support the measure, committing several acts of outrage and intimidation. To this juncture did the late Lord Clare refer in his memorable speech on the Union (p. 49) when he said, "The imbecility of Lord "Buckinghamshire's government had arrayed the volunteer ar"my, and the address to his majesty voted in 1779 by the com"mons, demanding a free trade as the right of Ireland,* was fol"lowed instantly by a resolution of thanks to that army for their array."

The rights of Ireland appear to have been more warmly combated in the British, than in the Irish senate. The Irish parliament had been convened about five weeks before that of Great Britain, in order that the objections pressed by the opposition against the long recess of the Irish parliament, might be done away, and some specific demands might be submitted by the Irish to the British parliament, which the most plausible of the ministerialists had frequently called for. On the 1st of December, 1779, Lord Shelburne moved in the British House of Lords, that the address of that house, which passed unanimously on the 11th of May last, recommending to his majesty's most serious consideration the distressed and impoverished state of the loyal and well deserving people of Ireland, and to direct that there be prepared and laid before parliament such particulars, relative to the trade and manufactures of Great Britain and Ireland, as to enable the national wisdom to pursue effectual measures for promoting the common strength, wealth, and commerce of his majesty's subjects in both kingdoms, and his majesty's answer of the following day, that he would give directions accordingly: and likewise the motion to address his majesty, which he took the liberty to trouble their lordships with on the 2d of June, re-stating

* When the speaker carried up the address to the lord lieutenant, the streets, from the Parliament-house to the Castle, were lined by the Dublin volunteers, commanded by the Duke of Leinster, drawn up in their arms and uniform.The acclamations of the people as he passed along, expressed their wishes and their joy on this very singular occasion: the pulse of the nation beat high. A general expectation of redress was now diffused; at the same time, anxiety and suspicions were entertained, that there was danger of being disappointed, from the same spirit, in which England had hitherto kept that country, in a state of humiliating and oppressive bondage.

the necessity of giving speedy and effectual relief to Ireland, and offering the full co-operation of that house towards giving relief to that kingdom; and if his royal prerogative, as vested in him by the constitution, were not adequate to administer the wanted relief, that his majesty would be pleased to continue the parliament of this kingdom, and give orders forthwith for calling the parliament of Ireland, that their just complaints might be fully considered, and remedied without delay; which last, his lordship observed, had been negatived by a considerable majority, no less than by 61 to 32; these documents being read at the table, his lordship proceeded to explain the grounds of his intended motion, which would, if carried, amount to a vote of censure upon ministers, whose conduct he most severely reprobated; he then adverted to the consequences, which that conduct drew after it; exactly what every thinking man must have clearly foreseen. Ireland disclaimed any connexion with Great Britain; she instantly put herself into a condition of defence against her foreign enemies; oppressed at one time by England, and at length reduced to a state of calamity and distress, experienced by no other country that ever existed, unless visited by war or famine; and perceiving, that all prospect of justice or relief was in a manner finally closed, and that she must perish, or work out her own salvation, she united as one man to rescue herself from that approaching destruction, which seemed to await her. The people instantly armed themselves, and the numbers armed soon increased to upwards of forty thousand men, and were daily augmenting. This most formidable body was not composed of mercenaries who had little or no interest in the issue, but of the nobility, gentry, merchants, citizens, and respectable yeomanry: men able and willing to devote their time, and part of their property, to the defence of the whole, and the protection and security of their country. The government had been abdicated, and the people resumed the powers vested in them; and in so doing, were fully authorized by every principle of the constitution, and every motive of selfpreservation; and whenever they should again delegate this inherent power, they firmly and wisely determined to have it so regulated, and placed upon so large and liberal a basis, that they should not be liable to suffer under the same oppressions in time to come; nor feel the fatal effects and complicated evils of maladministration; of calamity without hopes of redress; or of ironhanded power without protection.

To prove, that these were the declared and real sentiments of the whole Irish nation, he should not dwell upon this or that particular circumstance; upon the resolutions of county and town meetings; upon the language of the associations; upon the general prevalent spirit of all descriptions of men of all religions: matD d

VOL. II.