mentary duties, with the discouraging prospect of failing in every exertion, forced from him a confession, that he was weary

ment, with a wicked ministry, and certain iniquitous rulers of this city. His royal touch healed the wounds and bruises given my country, through my sides. You know my words, my writings, the tenor of my whole life and conduct, proclaim my invariable gratitude, affection, and duty. And when I forget the deliverer of my country, let my right hand forget its function, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth. In his royal goodness, I repose the most boundless confidence.

But why is his sacred name and character to be hauled into this controversy? Is it to be imagined, that he can look into matters of this nature? Are they not all left to his council? Does not the council refer them to one or two servants of the crown, who after report or reject them at pleasure? I honestly and openly confess, I have not the fullest confidence in all those, that are put in authority under him, in either kingdom.

My lord, my character is known to all, and thank God! approved by all that dare be honest and free. I challenge my direst foe to charge a single instance of flattery upon me, to kings, or even to more mighty ministers. You know my invaried love and loyalty to my king, and you know my declared motives. Had I not had these, I should have scorned to prostitute the offered incense.

A just proportion of the regard due to the sovereign, I have ever been ready to pay to his representative; unless the conduct of the substitute provoked me to say, with the insulted free apostle, God shall smite thee, thou whited wall; for I should not be provoked more than the holy man, had I not the same apology, might I not say, as he did, when rebuked, brethren, I wist not that he was God's high priest; because he stripped and degraded himself of the power and dignity of his office, by commanding a free citizen to be smitten, in open court, contrary to law, justice, and decency. What good and worthy vicegerent of the crown, wanted my poor applause? What bad and unworthy lieutenant escaped my poor censure? You see then, I have ever loved, respected, and revered, those great officers of the crown, or hated, despised, and condemned them, according to their well proved merit or demerit. My conduct in private and public life, always did, and always shall, prove these truths. Witness the different treatments, by me given to the Lords Chesterfield and Harrington, Halifax and Northumberland. In all which, you know, I acted upon invariable principles. My conduct in these instances will convince you, that I always shall act as a person, who for himself has nothing to ask, and nothing to fear, which must always keep me a free agent. To stand quite clear of all suspicion of adulation, I should have declined expressing my sentiments of the present lord lieutenant, till the expiration of his office. But, as I am called upon, I must explain myself, in mine own justification. I could not have lived as long as I did in London, without being well acquainted with the character of our present viceroy. I confess, I honoured and admired it, before I had the honour of being known to him, and when I petitioned his present majesty, against his wicked ministers and judges in Ireland, I had the good fortune to find myself, from the justice of my cause, patronized by this great good man, who then knew no more of me, than my character, and who did me the honour to present me, and saw me make my complaint to the royal ear. To him, I confess myself indebted for that share of the royal clemency, with which I now stand distinguished. If my return to my native country, be grateful to my countrymen and fellow citizens, the obligation is due to the Lord Hertford, who, in spight of great and mighty powers, made my case known to our patriot king, who embraces every opportunity of testifying his parental love for his faithful subjects. His excellency has since deigned to confer marks of his favour on some of my family. So that your lordship and honours see, that I stand under singular obligations for my country, my family, and myself, to the lord lieutenant. It may possibly be suspected, that from principles of gratitude for private favours, I may have been blinded to, or prejudiced in favour of the great man's public conduct, I hope my character

of his task, because he laboured incessantly in vain.* Lord Hertford not having supported, as zealously as the British cabinet expected, their alterations in the corn bill, was recalled. The old lords justices filled their stations for the last time until the appointment of Lord Townsend to be lord lieutenant on the 14th of October, 1767.

This nobleman was selected to introduce a very important change in the system of governing Ireland. The choice was in many points judicious. In order to attempt the arduous task of supplanting the deep-rooted influence of the Irish oligarchy, it was requisite, that the lord lieutenant, to whom that power was to be transferred, should be endowed with those qualities, that were most likely to ingratiate him with the Irish nation. The new lord lieutenant excelled all his predecessors in that convivial ease, pleasantry, and humour, so highly prized by the Irish of every description. The majority, which had been so dearly bought in the Commons, by those who had heretofore had the management of the English interest, was now found not altogether so tractable, as it had heretofore been. There were three or four grandees, as Dr. Campbell observed, who had such an influence in the House of Commons, that their coalition is too well known to fall under this imputation. I have never yet been able to pay my devoirs in person to his excellency; consequently I could never have said what the author pleased to say of me, that I acquit him of closetings, squeezings, and such like customary arts. Let placemen and pensioners, a band in which I shall never inlist, testify this. I hope every man can; I hope they are arts, which no lord lieutenant will ever dare to practise on this virtuous parliament, and I verily believe, the present ruler detests such practices as much as I do. In public and in private, I have thought myself bound to justify this great character. Without having had any intercourse with him or his ministers, I saw many proofs of his public spirit agreeable to the hopes I had conceived from his general character, and his being more interested than any of his predecessors, in the freedom and happiness of this kingdom."

These, I confess, gave me confidence in his excellency, and I gladly laid hold on two instances, that proved in my judgment, his conduct, when an unasked for, not to say unncessary, vote or act of credit was offered, and when the alteration in the corn bill came over. Here I confess myself, in the only instances of my life, under some degree of what you may call court influence, for, this was such a conduct as raised him still higher in my esteem, and I did him the justice to declare my sentiments, as I also should, and shall do, if his future conduct should possibly, as I hope it shall not, induce me to change my sentiments.

I have, said he, quitted a comfortable settlement in a free country to embark in your service. I have attended constantly, closely, strictly to my duty. I have broke my health, impaired my fortune, hurt my family, and lost an object dearer to me than life, by engaging with unwearied care and painful assiduity, in this painful, perilous, thankless service. All this might be tole rable, if I could find myself useful to you or my country. But the only benefit, that I can see, results to those, whom I cannot look upon as friends to their country, bands of placemen and pensioners, whose merit is enhanced and whose number has been generally increased, in proportion to the opposition given to the measures of ministers. I dare not neglect, much less desert my station, but I wish by any lawful or honourable means for my dismission.

would, at any time, give them a clear majority upon any question. To gain these had been the chief anxiety of former governors: they were sure to bring over a proportionate number of dependants, and it had been the unguarded maxim to permit subordinate graces and favours to flow from or through the hands of these leaders, whom experience now shewed to be as irritable and versatile as the most insignificant of their followers.* Formerly these principals used to stipulate with each new lord lieutenant, whose office was biennial and residence but for six months, upon what terms, they would carry the king's business through the House: so that they might not improperly be called undertakers. They provided, that the disposal of all court favours, whether places, pensions, or preferments, should pass through their hands, in order to keep their suite in an absolute state of dependance upon themselves. All applications were made by the leader, who claimed as a right the privilege of gratifying his friends in proportion to their numbers. Whenever such demands were not complied with, then were the measures of government sure to be crossed and obstructed: and the session of parliament became a constant struggle for power between the heads of parties, who used to force themselves into the office of lord justice according to the prevalence of their interest. This evil had been seen and lamented by Lord Chesterfield: and his resolution and preparatory steps for undermining it probably contributed not a little to his immediate recal upon the cessation of the danger, which his wisdom was thought alone competent

to avert.

This was the system, which Lord Clare said, the government of England at length opened their eyes to the defects and dangers of: they shook the power of the aristocracy, but were unable to break it down. The monopoly of civil power long survived the administration of Lord Townsend: no small share of it rested with that noble earl, who thus faithfully describing it, practically knew the inability of the English government to break it down. The primary object of Lord Townsend's administration was to break up the monopolizing system of this oligarchy. He in part succeeded, but by means ruinous to the country. The subalterns were not to be detached from their chiefs, but by similar though more powerful means than those, by which they had enlisted under their banners. The streams of favour became not only multiplied, but enlarged, consequently the source of remuneration the sooner exhausted. Every individual now looked up directly to the fountain head, and claimed and received more copious draughts. Thus,, under colour of destroying an overgrown aristocratic power, all parliamentary

*Phil. Surv. p. 57.

The

independence was completely secured by government. innovation naturally provoked the deserted few to resentment: but they were bereft of their consequence when left to their individual exertions.* They took refuge under the shelter of patriotism, and they inveighed with less effect against the venality of the system, merely because it had taken a new direction, and was somewhat enlarged. The bulk of the nation, and some, though very few of their representatives in parliament, were earnest, firm, and implacable against it.

The arduous task, which Lord Townshend had assumed was not to be effected by a coup de main: forces so engaged, so marshalled, and so commanding rather than commanded, as he found the Irish parliament, were not to be dislodged by a sudden charge: regular, gradual, and cautious approaches were to be made it was requisite, that the chief governor should first be popular, and then powerful, before he could be efficient and successful. His lordship therefore to those convivial fascinations, to which the Irish are supereminently sensible, superadded as many personal favours, as the fiscal stores' could even promise to answer, which in a people of quick and warm sensibility creates a something very like momentary gratitude; and in order the more completely to seat himself in that effective power, which was requisite for his purpose, he judiciously fixed upon a favourite object of the wishes and attempts of the раtriots to sanction with his countenance and support.

The patriots had long and loudly complained, that although in early times the parliament of Ireland continued but for the year or session, and then the popular representatives having discharged the duties required of them for that period, resigned their delegated authority and powers into the hands of those, from whom they had received them, to be again at their free option and disposal: yet in latter times their parliaments were prolonged from the beginning of each reign to the demise of the sovereign, unless he chose by an extraordinary exertion of prerogative to put an earlier period to their existence by dissolution. This they considered as a flagrant violation of the rights of the people: as from them, the representatives derived their political character, its continuance ought to be commensurate with the will of the people, not that of the crown: from the moment their power exceeded their delegation, it was usurpation: the nation might in that case number several self-created

Under various pretences these gentlemen endeavoured to spirit up the people to adopt their resentments, and they affected to take refuge in the arms of patriotism. The contest produced a series of political letters, replete with wit and humour, inferior perhaps to nothing of the kind, except the letters of Junius. They have been since published in an octavo volume, under the title of Baratariana. Phil. Surv. p. 59.

law-givers, not one representative. A national evil, which called loudly for redress. Under this baneful system, from the moment of their election, the commons became almost wholly independent of the people; and under the refined improvements of Sir Robert Walpole, in the management of parliamentary interest, the seduction became too powerful for most men, when they were at liberty to treat for life. The patriots anticipated the cure of venality in the frequency of their parliaments, the people hailed the welcome return of their power and control over their representatives, and government sensibly felt, that they could not longer withhold from Ireland what England had so long and so reasonably enjoyed.* Dr. Lucas had several times failed in his endeavours to procure a bill for limiting the duration of parliament. Now however a septennial bill was transmitted, and was returned with an alteration in point of time, having been changed into an octennial one. There appears to have been some unfair manoeuvring in the British cabinet, in order by a side wind to deprive the Irish of that, which they dared not openly refuse them. At the same time a transmiss was made of another popular bill for the independence of the judges, in which they had also inserted some alteration. It was expected, that the violent tenaciousness of the Irish com mons for the privilege of not having their heads of bills altered on this side of the water, would have induced them to reject any bill, into which such an alteration had been introduced. Ia this the English cabinet was deceived: the Irish commons waved the objection as to the limitation bill, in order to make sure at last of what they had so long tried in vain to procure, and considered that they surrendered no part of their privilege by objecting on this very account to the judges bill, which was transmitted at the same time with alterations: for although this latter bill had been particularly recommended in the speech of the lord lieutenant, it was on account of an alteration inserted in it in England, upon the report of the committee appointed to compare the bill with the heads of the bill, unanimously rejected.†

No sooner was the octennial bill returned, than the commons voted a respectful and grateful address to the throne, beseeching his majesty to accept their unfeigned and grateful acknowledg

* Our parliaments have continuance for seven years, by 1 Geo. 1. c. 38.

Vid. 8 Journ. Com. p. 270. The committee appointed to compare the bill with the heads of a bill for making the commissions of judges to continue quamdiu se bene gesserunt have accordingly compared the same, and found that the following alteration hath been made therein. In the last sheet, at the end of the last clause, after the word Parliament, the following words are added, "Certified by the lord lieutenant and council there under the great seal of "Ireland, in like manner as bills are usually certified, or upon the address of "both houses of the parliament of Great Britain." Resolved, That the bill be rejected.