and cotton manufactures have been considerably augmented— that the savings banks, customs, excise, post office receipts, and stamps have largely increased; thus indicating the improved condition of the great bulk of the people-that the value of land has been raised from seventeen to twenty-seven years' purchase— that the taxation of Ireland, which was twenty shillings annually per head in 1800, is now only ten shillings annually—that the excess of taxation in Great Britain compared with Ireland, since the year 1800, amounts to 325,316,8617. sterling-that Ireland has fifty representatives in the Imperial Parliament more than she is entitled to send by her contributions to the Imperial revenue, by her property, and by her foreign commerce-that a great deal of time and attention has been paid in the united Legislature to the affairs of Ireland-that the penal laws were not the result of religious bigotry-that the Established Church is the ancient Church of Ireland, and its income, amounting to one shilling per head annually, cannot justly be considered a national grievance, or a cause of general suffering. Finally :—that whatever evils may exist in Ireland, those evils cannot be ascribed to the Legislative Union of 1800, which has been the means of conferring vast and incalculable benefits on Ireland. Sir, you have truly declared that "Ireland never had an independent Parliament, and never can have one consistently with the sovereignty of the British Crown, and the connection with the island of Great Britain ;"* and you have also emphatically declared that 66 IT IS MADNESS TO ATTEMPT TO SEVER THE UNION.”† In this Imperial sentiment, the loyal population of Ireland, Roman Catholic as well as Protestant, most fully concur. Every British subject who rightly appreciates Constitutional freedom-who desires the preservation of Civil and Religious Liberty-and who is solicitous for the maintenance of this great Empire, will doubtless aid in preventing the continuance of this "madness," and in the punishment of those by whom it has been caused and perpetuated. * House of Commons debate, Feb. 25, 1834. † Ditto, Feb. 8, 1830. The question does not affect Ireland alone: it involves in its fate the Monarchy and our widely-extended dominions ;—it includes the Reformed faith and the Aristocracy of this realmand it embraces the rights of Property, and the preservation of social Order throughout the whole Kingdom. Believing, as I do, that the present crisis deserves the deepest consideration, I have, unsolicited and unaided, prepared this Work, in the hope that it may be useful to my country, and by its exposition of truth be rendered conducive to the preservation of the public peace and to the restoration of domestic tranquillity. The question is not one of party interest; every good subject of the Crown must be desirous of suppressing the existing agitation, and no reputable Anti-Ministerial politician can, by fomenting or secretly conniving at sedition in Ireland, reasonably hope to return, or raise, his party to ministerial power in England. Neither can any class of society wish to injure or misgovern Ireland: it is for the direct, immediate, and permanent benefit of Great Britain that the people of the sister island should be morally and politically free, prosperous, and happy; and the remarkable exemptions from taxation, -the large sums of money, public and private,—and the amount of practical legislation devoted to Ireland, most fully indicate the anxious solicitude experienced for their welfare. The co-operation in the same Cabinet of four highly distinguished statesmen who have filled the post of Secretary for Ireland, and who have evinced, by the introduction of various useful measures, an earnest desire for her improvement, is an assurance that any proposed measures for the welfare of Ireland will receive a just and practical consideration. While evidencing the benefits which Ireland has already received from her perfect legislative incorporation with Great Britain, I beg, Sir, to solicit your consideration on two points : First,―As regards the density of population. Eight million two hundred thousand human beings are located on thirty-two thousand square miles, of which one third are covered with lakes, rivers, mountains, and bogs. On the whole area, the density is in the proportion of more than 250 individuals to each square mile; but the proportion (as will be seen by the accompanying Statistical Chart) of inhabitants to the cultivable surface, is to the great amount of 388 to each square mile. When we consider that Ireland is chiefly an agricultural country,-nearly three centuries behind England in the resources and numerous advantages of long-established peace and civilisation, and devoid of the accumulated capital resulting from successful manufacturing and commercial skill and industry, the exceeding pressure of population on the means of production will be more fully apparent. In many counties this physical pressure is fearful. In the rich grazing counties of the province of Leinster, there are only 219 to each square mile of cultivable surface; in the large province of Munster there are 391; in the poor province of Connaught there are 411; and in Ulster, where the linen and cotton manufactures furnish employment, there are 431 individuals to each arable square mile. But when we examine the counties separately, the pressure becomes more apparent, the average density in various districts being from 360 to 560 on the square mile. In Sligo and Leitrim the density is 398. In Cork, Clare, and Limerick, 400; in all the Northern counties it is considerably above 400; in Kerry, 452; in Antrim, 460; in Mayo, 500; in Armagh, 560! Sir, I earnestly entreat your deep reflection on this vital subject. England, with her vast, almost incalculable wealth,—her gigantic manufacturing power, rich mineral productions, extensive fisheries, and her widely-spread maritime commerce, could not sustain in comfort the same density of population as exists in the comparatively poor country of Ireland. Second,-The defective monetary circulation. One county in England, (Lancashire, or Yorkshire,) has a greater amount of metallic and paper circulation than all Ireland and its eight millions of inhabitants. I respectfully submit the details on this important subject, in the Fifth Part of the following pages, to your mature consideration. To this redundancy of population and deficiency of capital is, I think, mainly ascribable the physical condition of the people of Ireland; hence the labour-market is always overstocked,—wages are low,―the interest of money high,—and the smallest patch of mountain bog, capable of growing a few potatoes for the mere sustainment of life, an object of fierce contention, and a cause of the existing morbidly diseased state of society. Were the monetary circulation in proportion to the number of inhabitants, the largest coal field in the British Empire (Mallow) would not be utterly valueless;-the rich veins of copper, lead, and iron would be profitably worked,—the fine slate and beautiful marble quarries would be in full activity, ministering to the comfort and elegance of society, the deep bays, large lakes, and noble rivers teeming with fish of every variety, would not be, as now, perfectly useless. Nearly three million acres of bog land (as shown in the Appendix, page 418) which might be reclaimed for about one million sterling, would be yielding food and employment for thousands of our fellowcreatures. Railways would not be confined to a small district of a few miles in extent; but Cork, with its capacious haven, would, if connected by a railroad with Dublin, most probably become the naval entrepôt for British post-office communication with continental Europe, America, and our colonies. For these and other adducible reasons, I venture, Sir, to suggest to your superior knowledge and judgment the propriety of permitting the incorporation of public bodies, who may be disposed to invest capital in the development of the resources, and in the employment of the people of Ireland. Millions of British capital have been vested in foreign loans and speculations, which have been entirely lost. One of the chief reasons for this lavish investment was the known extent of liability. Were this definite liability conceded to Ireland, her mines and fisheries would contribute largely to the national wealth; the poor fishermen, without boats or nets, or piers to shelter them, would gladly avail themselves of small loans to pursue their dangerous vocation; and an invaluable class of seamen would be trained for the service of their country. Wealth, properly employed, would create more wealth; an industrious and keen-minded population, when in full, permanent, and remunerative occupation, would have their energies and talents devoted to useful pursuits, instead of to a pernicious political agitation, and the whole British Empire would become a participator in the general tranquillity and productive industry of the people of Ireland. To England there would be great gain by the increased prosperity of Ireland. Notwithstanding its manifest improvement since the Union, the consumption of British manufactures in Ireland is not more than one guinea per annum for each inhabitant of Ireland,-whereas the negroes in the West Indies consume each five pounds worth per annum of British manufactures, and their fellow-subjects in Australasia, each to the extent of fifteen pounds worth annually. If English capital were judiciously employed in Ireland, land, which now only yields one-third per acre of the same produce as in England, would contribute largely for domestic use as well as for exportation; the Irish would become a consuming as well as a producing people, and instead of requiring merely seven to eight millions worth annually of British manufactures, their wants might soon be increased, and the demand for manufactures be raised to at least five pounds a head yearly, thus requiring annually of British goods to the amount of forty millions sterling. Fervently hoping, Sir, that the British Government and Legislature will preserve in its integrity and puissance this great and glorious Empire, and adopt and carry into effect just and practical measures really conducive to the welfare of Ireland, I have the honour to inscribe myself, With sincere respect, Your obedient and faithful Servant, R. M. MARTIN. LONDON, December, 1843. |