language urges an effective and organized system of emigration under Legislative control and national superintendence.

The greater part of my life having been devoted to the developement of our colonial resources,-in strenuously and almost unremittingly endeavouring to make generally known the vast extent and nature of the transmarine dominions of the British Empire, and in urging the adoption of a national system of migration whereby the surplus population and unemployed poor of the United Kingdom may be enabled to pass to other less densely peopled parts of the empire where labour is wanted and well remunerated, and where millions of fertile acres are ready for the plough of the British husbandman, having waited long to see some expansive, systematic plan carried out,-I cannot help rejoicing that the periodical press has taken up the subject as one of the deepest national importance.

Population is increasing in the United Kingdom at the fearful rate of one thousand a day; every minute that elapses a human being is born beyond the number of those who die within the limits of the two islands of Great Britain and Ireland. Estimating the annual addition to our population at home at between 400,000 and 500,000 people, and the cost of their maintenance at 10,000,000l. yearly, what must be the inevitable result in a few years in a country which, not even excepting China and its 367,000,000 inhabitants, has already a denser population in proportion to its cultivable area than any other region of the same extent in the world? The history of past ages proves that an augmentation of population beyond the means of employment or of support has for its invariable results agrarian outrage,-political disturbances, social war,-national bankruptcy,-ruin. In Ireland population has increased faster than the production of food, or the creation or accumulation of property, and is consequently in the preliminary stages of the downward progress, which if not arrested by timely measures must ultimately be succeeded by a widespread desolation, from which it will be impossible for England and Scotland to escape, and which would go far to cause the destruction of this great and extraordinary empire.

K

I venture to entreat statesmen of all parties to take this pressing and really alarming subject into serious and immediate consideration, especially in reference to Ireland. It is a disgrace to us as a Christian community to shovel out hordes of famishing paupers (300,000 emigrated last year from Ireland), regardless whether they perish by famine or shipwreck in the ocean-or reach some distant foreign land, where they may be assisting to strengthen another nation jealous of our power and eager for our downfall. Australasia, with a salubrious clime, fertile soil, and abundant nutriment, could receive yearly at least half a million from the swarming hive at home; where it was estimated last year that at least five million of people were wholly or partially dependent on potatoes for subsistHundreds of thousands of cattle and sheep are slaughtered for their skins and tallow in Australia, while in Ireland thousands of our fellow Christians are pining and perishing for want of that very food which is refuse in another part of the dominions of our gracious Sovereign. Many of our ships of war now rotting in the dockyards might be dismantled of their guns, cheaply manned, and most usefully employed in bridging over the ocean for the conveyance of the destitute and discontented who now emperil the safety of the State. Each poor law union in Ireland could assess itself for its immediate relief, and, in proportion to the funds raised, land could be allotted to each union in Australia, which in time would become more and more profitable, and furnish further sums to assist emigration.

ence.

These and other plans, with some assistance from the State, would provide a continued periodic emigration, and give speedy and effectual relief to that overpeopled portion of the kingdom, whose redundant poor, swarming over to England and Scotland, beat down the wages of labour, and reduce the mass of people here to their own level. Whatever elevates or depresses the condition of Ireland must produce some corresponding effect at this side of the salt lake which separates the two islands—whose inhabitants should not be treated or spoken of as separate nations with distinctive interests. Their legislative as well as social union obliterates all diversity of objects; and I cannot help saying, that

I think it injudicious to speak and write of the Irish people as if they were antagonistic in every way to England, and as if they were all rebels to their Sovereign-all indolent-all improvident -all faithless-all beggars—all desirous of separation from Great Britain. Such language has a prejudicial effect in both islands. I believe the mass of Irishmen are as loyal, as industrious, as frugal, as honest, as peaceful, as contented, and as true, as any other portion of the subjects of Queen Victoria.

Poverty and distress unfortunately exist to a great extent among the labouring poor in Ireland, arising from remediable measures which are not attainable by a "Repeal of the Union," and a severance from England. But many of the humbler and some of the better classes, not seeing these remedies applied, and naturally sympathizing with the distress around them, are led to concur in the designs of artful demagogues, and to think that a Parliament legislating in and for Ireland would provide the remedies which the united Legislature has not yet sanctioned, but which it is hoped will, when maturely considered, be carried into effective operation.

By these means some of the evils of Ireland may be ameliorated; and, although the condition of the middle classes and landed proprietors who are above the position of day labourers has undoubtedly been greatly improved since the Union, there remains much to be done for the island, which "Repeal " would not only fail to accomplish, but which, if granted, would inevitably cause anarchy, civil war, and ruin to all classes of society.

It is now submitted that the details in the two preceding chapters substantiate the following points::

1st. That Ireland was not benefited in her shipping, commerce, or manufactures by having a "Resident Parliament;" but that, on the contrary, she suffered materially by the existence of that institution.

PART III.

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT AND SOCIAL PROGRESS OF IRELAND SINCE THE UNION.

CHAPTER IV.

Improvement of the Country Districts and Provincial Towns of Ireland since the Union. Internal Navigation and Trade. Varied testimony of general Advancement in the Condition of the People.

In examining this interesting section of the question, which will either refute or substantiate the truth of the statements in the preceding Chapters, it will be advisable to search the most authentic public documents. In the evidence laid before Parliament, in 1830, on the state of the Irish poor, there are many witnesses, and irrefragable testimony, as to the condition of the provincial towns in Ireland

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The evidence of Captain Robert Owen, relative to the county of Wexford, shows that it is very rapidly improving "There is a superior mode of ploughing, a better kind of all agricultural implements, and, generally speaking, a better management of the farms. The number of slated houses is increasing every day. There are now two very extensive distilleries, and several breweries in the county. The roads of every description, mail-coach as well as by roads, have very considerably improved of late, as have also the means of transport. All description of carts and public carriages have increased very materially there are now (1830) no less than four public carriages daily between Gorey and Dublin; when I first went there (thirteen years ago) there was but one. Several modes of com