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ment would be sufficient to defray all the expenses for which church rates are required; and slight indeed inust be the attachment of the lower classes to the establishment, if the addition of a few pence yearly to their present payment could make them desert her altars and proclaim themselves Dissenters. A laudable pride would deter the poorest farmer or tradesman from professing himself a Dissenter, when he was in reality a Churchman; and in this religious age no one would venture to make that declaration without incurring a greater expense, by the moral necessity in which he would be placed of attaching himself to some dissenting place of worship, where he would have both chapel and pastor to uphold.
What, it may be asked, can prevent an arrangement, that would take from one party all just ground of complaint, while the additional burden it imposed on the other, was one which they could well afford to bear, and which in equity they ought not to throw on those who can have nothing for it in return ? The only obstacle, we apprehend, is the tenacity of Churchmen, whether lay or clerical, to maintain every privilege or exclusive advantage that flatters their pride, however worthless in itself or vnjust to the rest of the community. Having assumed to themselves the title of National Church, as if the English constituted the whole nation--as if there were no Presbyterians in Scotland, no Dissenters in England, no Roman Catholics in Ireland-seduced by this high-sounding appellation—this mock dignitythey inundate our colonies with bishops, for the benefit of the few Episcopalians that emigrate from our shores, and would consider themselves degraded at home if Nonconformists were exempted by law from repairing their churches and contributing to the expenses of their public worship. It is this spirit which makes them resist every plan for general education that is not confined exclusively to their own body. It is not the money they care for, but the principle on which it is proposed to be given. If committed to their management, they would have no objection to dole it out in charity to Dissenters, but their pride cannot bear that it should be claimed as a right. Though compelled by the Toleration Act, and other statutes, to recognise the existence and privileges of Dissenters, they regard them in the same light that the Church of Rome regards the Church of England -as rebellious children entitled to no indulgence that can be withheld from them. Respect for their own sacred edifices, which are converted into bear-gardens by the dissensions about church rates, should, if no other motives have weight, make them listen with favour to our suggestion.
Art. III.-- Voyage du Maréchal Duc de Raguse en Hon
grie, en Transylvanie, dans la Russie Méridionale, en Crimée, et sur les Bords de la Mer d'Azoff d Constantinople, dans quelques parties de l'Asie-Mineure, en Syrie, en Palestine et en Egypte. 4 Tom. 8vo. Paris: 1837.
TAGeneral Marmont should excite so very little attention as
by so these volumes have done, can only be ascribed to one of two causes ;-the occupation of the reading world with other subjects, or the uninteresting nature of the work itself. The latter is generally given as the true reason; but we think the fact or opinion upon wbich it rests more than questionable. The book contains much valuable information; it is not deficient in matter of entertainment; and it is written in a plain and sensible style, which bardly ever offends against the rules of good taste. Its fault is its length-there are four volumes made out of what could hardly suffice to make two; and all that is of any value might well have been contained in one.* The large interstices between the pieces that are worth reading for their novelty or importance, are filled up with things which are either not worib relating, or which one knows; and the reader is thus tired before he can pass from one oasis to another of the dry and barren waste. Nevertheless, it is the useful office of honest critics to give warning of the existence of such green and pleasant spots; and not suffer the public to throw aside the subject, without some knowledge of what they present to our attention.
After the revolution of 1830, in which Marmont commanded, and was foiled by the stupid obstinacy of the legitimate Bourbons as much as by the great gallantry of the French people, he left France and sought refuge in Vienna, where he remained some years in idleness and peace; but feeling that he retained vigour enough of constitution to undertake some useful and interesting work, in 1834 he set out upon his journey into the Levant, attended by an amateur painter and a physician, Count Brazza and Dr Seng; aud this book contains the account of their travels.
Hungary was the country first visited by him; and his observations on that kingdom are in some particulars worthy of attention. He somewhat sharply reproves the Hungarians for their inconsistent desire of improvement by means of public works,
• Since this artictle was written, an able and distinguished officer, Sir F. Smith of the Royal Engineers, has ably abridged and commented on the work, in one small volume.
joined with their determination on no account to pay the taxes necessary for carrying them on. Thus, there is nothing more wanting than roads—the primary condition, as the Marshal says, of improvement and civilisation; accordingly, the Hungarians of all classes cry out lustily for them, and as lustily cry out against any thing like tolls to make or to repair them. They plead the ancient privilege of being free from taxes; but the Marshal very justly remarks, that in Hungary men have not as yet discovered that the only reasonable privilege is not to beg for what we have never consented to receive; and that, in order to obtain an increase of wealth and of enjoyments, we must learn to pay for them. We bave in our own country some symptoms of the same inconsistency; -highly cultivated as our people of all ranks are in every kind of knowledge connected with taxation, by a long and very extensive and various experience. The 'Bull family' delight in many expensive luxuries, and in none more than in foreign meddling wars, expeditions, gazettes of victories, bonfires, and illuminations; yet no sooner comes in the bill for payment, than a most bitter reluctance is invariably felt to pay it; and the good folks who were loudest in hallooing on their rulers to break the peace, are all astonishment and all indignation at finding that they have any thing to pay for this expensive crime. On a lesser scale, we have lately had something of a like inconsistency and unreasonable captiousness. The Dissenters refuse to pay church rates, and regard the demand of any help towards maintaining churchyards as an encroachment on the rights of conscience, and a breach of religious liberty. But, though they will not pay for the churchyard, they insist on the use of it; and even complain if their own ministers are not suffered to officiate at burials performed in it. The Churchmen bave never as yet insisted on having the use of dissenting chapels; but they certainly have just as inuch right to it as the Dissenters would have to use the churchyard if they ceased to pay the church rates.
We observe the Marshal's notices of feudal law are somewhat less accurate than might be wished. He represents the tenures in Hungary as entirely feudal; and then says that the right of succession in the Crown, after extinction of the family to whom the fief was granted originally, is so extensive (étendu, meaning of course that it reached so long) as to deprive purchasers of all security. No doubt, if the purchaser is only to hold of the original feudatory who sells, he takes but a base fee, and loses his right on the extinction of the heirs of the original investiture; but the feudal law permits transser so as to hold of the original superior; and no doubt in Hungary, unless all sale of land is as good as forbidden, this holding of the overlord must be allowed.
A curious account is given of the Emperor's studs in Hungary, where the breeding of horses on a large scale is carried on by the government. This magnificent establishment is under the direction of a staff and men, about 1200 in number, and consists of 3000 fine animals. The yearly sale of stallions alone improves the breed all over the Imperial dominions, and defrays nearly the whole expenses of the concern, besides enabling the army to purchase all the horses required for its service at the moderate price of from ten to twelve pounds. The remarks of the Marshal on the folly of encouraging the breed of race-horses so greatly as we have long done in England, and as the continental states have of late years been doing after our example, are sensible, and deserving of attention. He allows, that in a country like this, where the love of gambling, in all its branches, is epidemic, something may be said for the practice;—an amusement so habitual to the people requires such provision. But he cannot discover any service, in countries like France and Germany, where strong cattle for draught, or animals combining strength and speed for the army, are alone required;-exerting all their powers to make a breed be provided of horses which shall arrive a few seconds sooner at the goal of a race-course. In the latter remark we entirely coincide; only we must generalize it, and repudiate the exception made in favour of England. The Government having so long encouraged racing, has in fact patronised gambling, and gambling of the lowest description. What avails it to make betting above a certain amount illegal, and to discourage it by depriving bankrupt traders of their certificate, if they exceed the given sum, while the foundation of the whole-the race and the conflux of gamblers-is encouraged by the Government in every county of the kingdom? Did ever human folly go farther than theirs, who pretend to say to gamblers—* Play, but only to a "given amount ? That the price paid for a good breed of horses would be all too high when given in such coin as an increase of the practices most hurtful to public morals, who can have the hardihood to deny? Yet it is quite as clear that the breed of useful horses is not thus improved; at all events, that the same object might be far better, and far more cheaply attained, by other and by harmless means.
As the Marshal visited Transylvania, and examined the military government of the frontier provinces-it may be supposed, with peculiar attention and interest—his account of that singular system is very full, and probably is the best any where to be found. The patriarchal scheme, united with the military, is particularly to be remarked. Several families, amounting to sixty or seventy individuals, are under the control of one head, or rather of two; for if the chief's wife happen to be incapable of superintending the female branch, another matron is appointed. The whole agricultural and other industrious parts of their operations are superintended by these chiefs; and the share is reserved of those who, during ten or twelve years of their lives, serve in the regiment which is allotted to the particular district. We were rather surprised to observe, that the total number of the warriors, in proportion to the population, is not greater on this frontier. In the Austrian circle, it is a regiment for 400,000 of the inhabitants; here, it is only four times greater, or a regiment for every 50,000 souls.
Many reflexions are made by our author upon the character and conduct of the Emperor Joseph, the scene of whose ill-fated military exploits was laid in these countries; though his signal failure transferred the war almost to the walls of his capital. • Personally brave, he had not, in the midst of danger and military excitement, the strength of head, the tranquillity of mind, nor the sound judgment requisite in order to exercise properly the duty of a commander; in short, he was- --as men are to whom 'nature has denied this high faculty and warlike instinct-crushed
under the weight of uncertainty, and the phantoms that his own ardent imagination presented to his mind.' Of this: he recites a very memorable instance : when a council of war being held, and no man entertaining a reasonable doubt that an immediate attack would have destroyed the Turkish army, he asked Marsbal Lascy if the success was quite certain, and was answered, that in war nothing is quite certain that he hoped it was, but that he could not absolutely guarantee the event; whereupon the Emperor ordered an immediate retreat, which, by mismanagement, became a rout; and, being executed in the dark, the soldiers fired on each other, presenting, when day broke, to the astonished followers of Mahomet what they deemed a miracle operated by the prophet—ten thousand Austrians killed by each other's hands. Well may the veteran author exclaim on surveying this effect of royal interposition - It is requisite that
every one should follow his own trade; that sovereigns should • reiga, ministers govern; that generals should command and • fight; and that sovereigns should neither govern nor fight but when heaven has granted to them the capacity for administration, and the genius of a military commander.
Upon entering the Russian dominions, which he did on the south, intending to visit Odessa and the Crimea, he was received with peculiar marks of distinction. The Emperor did not fail to testify his regard for one of the principal victims of the popular movement, which he has ever shown to be the most hate