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the capital so employed should increase for the time more raidly than the supply of labour, both the amount and the rate f profit will fall. Thus there is, at all events, a theoretical case I which competition will reduce the rate of profit. Ricardo eats it as almost an impossible one. Malthus considers it very robable. On the whole, therefore, however defective Smith's iew of the effect of competition on profits may be, from his not aving adverted to the modus operandi, we doubt whether the inguage of later writers is not still more incorrect, when they eat the modus operandi as if it were the efficient cause itself.

But we have not space, on the present occasion, to enter on the iscussion of these complicated questions. It is sufficient to point ut what are the principal notions of an erroneous character vhich pervade the whole of the great work of Dr Smith, against vhich it is necessary that the student should be guarded. This i accomplished in Mr M'Culloch's edition; partly by foot-notes, eferring the reader throughout to passages of the commentary in vhich the subject is fully discussed; partly by a series of supilemental essays, which form by far the most valuable part of he additions. These comprise, in fact, a pretty complete body If elementary economical science, in a form which, to us at east, appears more attractive and not less useful than that of 1 systematic treatise. Some of them relate to the fundamental subjects of labour, value, rent, profits, and so forth; others are of a miscellaneous character---relating to topics suggested by the numerous digressions of the original work. Among these may be especially mentioned the very interesting dissertations on the banking system, the corn laws, and on the government, revenue, and commerce of India. These are subjects on which, it is our belief, few men or none have so much contributed to form the deliberate opinions of the present time as Mr M'Culloch, Theorists enough have enjoyed their day, and expended their brief influence in the discussion of all of them. His peculiar merit has lain rather in exposing the hollowness of their speculations, and laying the foundation of a sound but moderate scepticism; which is perhaps the safest guide for conservators as well as innovators. Those who are familiar with his views on these questions, will not perhaps find much of novelty in the manner in which they are here treated ; but we must repeat, that the present mode is perhaps the best he could have chosen at once to disseminate and make popular his own opinions, and to direct the student in making the most beneficial use of the work of the great founder of the science, and estimating his discoveries at their proper value.

ART. V.-England under the Reigns of Edward VI. and

Mary ; with the Contemporary History of Europe : illustrated in a series of Original Letters never before printed. With Historical Introductions, and Biographical and Critical Notes. By PATRICK FRASER TYTLER, Esq., Author of the • History of Scotland.' 2 vols. 8vo. London : 1839.

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'R Tytler's object in the present work is to present to his various important events, and prominent characters, during the reigns of Edward VI. and Mary; arranged in chronological order, and illustrated by previously unpublished documents, principally derived from the State Paper Office. This, it will be seen, is a new and slightly varied attempt to do what has never yet been accomplished, -to popularize, that is, historical documents, and render a collection of letters three centuries old a book for the drawing-room and the circulating library. All such attempts are founded upon a mistake, and aim at uniting history and materials for history, things in themselves not only distinct but incompatible. History should be addressed to the people; it is worthless if not written in such a manner as to interest and instruct; but the documentary materials oật of which it is woven, are rarely calculated for popular reading. Much preliminary information is necessary before they can be correctly understood, a dissertation is required to explain the full bearings of every document; and when, by means of these aids, their utility and value are made manifest, it becomes obvious that the same end might have been arrived at in a simpler, a more agreeable, and, as far as the great mass of readers is concerned, in a more effectual way, by an original narrative, containing the pith and marrow of ihe documents—in one word, by a history.

We would not be understood to object to the publication of historical documents. Far from it. They are the tools with which the historian works : tables are not more necessary to the mathematician, maps to the geographer, collections to the naturalist. Let as many of them be published as can be useful to any class of enquirers; but they should be sent forth into the world with all the simplicity of books of science; and to seek to make them popular, or to publish only such of them as can be introduced into a book which aims at popularity, are errors of the same kind as it would be to set forth tables of logarithms illustrated and ornamented with a similar view.

Mr Tytler has further aimed at making his book popular by modernizing the orthography of its documents. With a view to his object, it was probably right to do so; but the practice is dangerous and objectionable. It destroys identity, takes away one evidence as to the education and character of the writer; fosters ignorance of the progressive changes in the orthography and pronunciation of our language; and increases the liability to errors in transcription and printing. *

Having stated the objections to which Mr Tytler's publication is liable with a freedom which we are quite sure he will not dislike, we shall point out what are the principal historical questions to which his new documents relate.

During the short reign of Edward VI., our attention is principally attracted to the great change which was then in the act of being effected in the religious opinions of the great majority of the people. The disputes of the selfish men into whose hands the government was thrown by the will of Henry VIII.-the plottings of brother against brother, and friend against friend, acquire importance only in consequence of their connexion with that great struggle which the principles of the reformers were then waging against deep-rooted superstitions. In the history

* It is no doubt owing to this cause that we have found considerable variations between Mr Tytler's printed letters and the originals, whenever we have had an opportunity of comparing them. Thus, vol. i. p. 75,

after un• derstood,' add from you ;' ibid. p. 239, instead of for the King's Ma

jesty,' read · for the King's Majesty's and the realm's more safety ;' ibid. p. 231, instead of lost the letter out of his packet,' read pocket;' p. 222, for “ he myndelh no hurt,’ read he meaneth no hurt;' vol. ii. p. 192, for • and of my doings,' read and declaration of my doings ;' for whereof " the witnesses,' read whereof be witnesses ;' for two of my suite,' read

two of my servants ;' p. 194, for set me to flee,' read determyn to flee ;' p. 193, for them who I served, read them wilh whom I served;' for • Justus adjutorius meus Dominus, qui salvos facit rectos cord (corde), read · Justum adjutorium meum a Domino, qui salvos facit rectos corde;' ibid. p. 124, for all Sunday,' read all the day being Sunday ;' for · fair

as nead be with needle,' read · fair as might be with needle ;' p. 125, for “yet they came to [view], read yet they came to mass ;' p. 126, for as great states are there in England,' read as great states be in

England ;' after all their caps,' insert. The say given, they depart;' for the Lady Elizabeth's my mistress,' read the Lady Elizabeth's my • mistress's service;' p. 127, for •1 marvel that Tongres hath not the ' like,' read') marvel that Thames hath not the like ;' p. 128, for corn

every where,' read 'corn enough every where;' for labour and continuance of men,' read •labour and continence of men; p. 131, for the bringing thither of these three kings,' read the coming thither of those three kings;' p. 132, for they were not all maids,' read they say they were not all maids ;' and so in many other instances.

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of that struggle, few things are more remarkable than the manner in which the vices of the men in power became conducive to the success of the Reformation. Their cupidity stood in that place which, during the late reigo, had been occupied by the tyrannical disposition of the monarch. He promoted the Reformation to secure the gratification of his inclinations; they to acquire a share in the plunder; whilst, in both instances, better men aided in the work, in the full belief that light would produce light; and that truth once sent forth, though it might wander abroad for many days, would sooner or later return, and bear the olivebranch along with her.

The cupidity of the Protector and his party made its appearance at the very moment of their accession to power. The will of Henry VIII. contained a direction, that all such gifts as it should appear to bis executors that he had promised, in any

manner wise,' should be perfected after his death. Acting upon this conscientious direction, the scrupulous executors called before them three witnesses, who deposed to certain intentions of the King to conser various titles and grants of lands upon the principal executors themselves, upon the witnesses, and upon some few other persons. This determined them. • Both out of con* science to the King's will, and for their own honour,' they proceeded to fulfill the pious intentions of their late master, and their duty to his successor, by parcelling out the royal domains amongst themselves. The following letter, which Mr Tytler informs us

of

many of a similar kind, written about the same time by the same nobleman, who was afterwards Duke of Northumberland, explains the nature of the first business transacted by these conscientious guardians. It is addressed by the Earl of Warwick to Paget, and was written in March 1547 :

is one

• Master Secretary-Perchance some folks will allege considerations concerning the not assignment of the Lordship of Warwick, saying it is a stately castle, and a goodly

, park, and a great royalty. To that it may be answered--the castle of itself is not able to lodge a good baron with his train; for all the one side of the said castle, with also the dongeon tower, is clearly ruinated and down to the ground; and that of late the King's Majesty that dead is, bath sold all the chief and principal manors that belonged unto the said earldom and castle; so that at this present there is no lands belonging unto it, but the rents of certain houses in the town, and certain meadows, with the park of Wegenock. Of the which castle, with the park, and also of the town, I am constable, high steward, and master of the game, with also the herbage of the park, during my life; and because of the name I am the more desirous to have the thing; and also I come of one of the daughters and heirs of the right and not defiled line.

“I will rebate part of my fees in my portion, to have the same castle,

meadows, and park; wherein I pray you to show me your friendship, to move the rest of my lords to this effect; and further to be friendly, to Mr Denny, according to his desire, for the site and remains of Waltham, with certain other farms adjoining unto Jeston; wherein, as for the site of Waltham, I suppose it shall grow to 'a commonwealth to the country thereabouts to let him have it.

And in case that they will not condescend to me for the lordship of Warwick, as is aforesaid, I pray you then let me have Tunbridge and Penshurst, that was the Buckingham's lands in Kent, as parcel of my portion, with also Hawlden, that was my own; and whether I have the one or the other, let Canonbury be our portion.

• The Master of the Horse would gladly, as I do perceive by him, have the Lordship in Sussex that was the Lord Laware's, which, in my opinion, were better bestowed upon him, or some such as would keep it up, and serve the king in the country in maintaining of household, than to let it fall to ruin as it doth, with divers other like houses ; being a great pity, and loss it will be at length to the king and realme.'--Tyller, i. 28.

But Warwick, Tunbridge, Pensburst, Lord Delaware's lordship in Sussex, and all the other disposable properties, were not enough--the Crown was not rich enough--to satisfy these disinterested men. Henry, according to the testimony of the witnesses, had in view, when making these promises,' the princely estates of the Howards, but that source had failed; his prodigality, like sandy ground, had suddenly sucked up the large

shower of Abbey lands.' Of all the former confiscations nothing was available but the precedent; and that was determined to be applied to the lands of those superstitious endowments termed Chantries. The lands of chantries attached to the dissolved monasteries were given to the Crown by Henry VIII.'s - last Parliament, to defray the expenses of the recent wars with | France and Scotland. Now the incomes of all the remaining

chantries, the number of which was very great-for there was not a parish-church of any note throughout England that had not some of them attached to it, and many had four, five, or more—St Paul's had forty-seven-were poured into the Treasury; and to swell the amount still higher, guilds, hospitals, free chapels and colleges, with the exception of those in Oxford and Cambridge, were added to the parliamentary grant. The act was put forth with the professed design of converting the confiscated property to the erection of grammar-schools, the augmentation of the universities, and the better provision of the poor. In their own private consultations the council treated it simply as a means of increasing the royal revenue ;* and no sooner

* Harl. MS. 6195, fo.6,

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