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lieve them, but that with his commands, and in execution of them, they will agree to go on. Here is his answer, also in his wife's hand :

• Lord Chatham continuing under the same inability to write which he was under the unhappy necessity of conveying to the Duke of Graston so lately, begs again his Grace's indulgence for taking this method of repeating the same description of his health, which for the present renders business impossible for him.

• He implores the Duke of Grafton to be persuaded that nothing less than impossibility prevents him from seeing the Duke of Graston, which he so ardently desires, and entering into the fullest conversation with his Grace. At present, all he is able to offer, in true zeal for his Majesty, is, that the Duke of Grafton and Lord President may not finally judge it necessary to leave the situations they are in. The first moment health and strength enough return, Lord Chatham will humbly request permission to renew at his Majesty's feet all the sentiments of duty and most devoted attachment.'

Upon this the King comes down to the assistance of his distracted ministry, and writes himself the following remarkable and characteristic letter to Lord Chatham :


• No one has more cautiously avoided writing to you than myself, during your late indisposition ; but the moment is so extremely critical, that I cannot possibly delay it any longer. By the letter you received yesterday from the Duke of Graston, you must perceive the anxiety he and the President at present labour under. The Chancellor is very much in the same situation. This is equally owing to the majority in the House of Lords, amounting on the Friday only to six and on the Tuesday to three, though I made two of my brothers vote on both those days; and to the great coldness shown those three ministers by Lord Shelburne, whom they, as well as myself, imagine to be rather a secret enemy; the avowed enmity of Mr Townshend; and the resolution of lieutenantgeneral Conway to retire, though without any view of entering into faction,

• My firmness is not dismayed by these unpleasant appearances; for, from the hour you entered into office, I have uniformly relied on your firmness to act in defiance to that hydra faction, which has never appeared to the height it now does, within these few weeks. Though your relations, the Bedfords and the Rockinghams, are joined, with intention to storm my closet, yet, if I was mean enough to submit, they own they would not join in forming an administration ; therefore nothing but confusion could be obtained.

'I am strongly of opinion with the answer you sent the Duke of Grafton ; but, by a note I have received from him, I fear I cannot keep him above a day, unless you would see bim and give him encouragement. Your duty and affection for my person, your own honour, call on you to make an effort; five minutes' conversation with you would raise his spirits, for his heart is good; mine, I thank Heaven, wants no rousing ; my love to my country, as well as what I owe to my own character and to my family, prompt me not to yield to faction. Be firm, and you will

find me amply ready to take as active a part as the hour seems to require. Though none of my ministers stand by me, I cannot truckle.

• I wish a few lines in answer, as I am to have the Duke of Grafton with me this evening; and if you cannot come to me to-morrow, I am ready to call at North-end on my return that evening to this place. Whilst I have sixty-five present and thirty proxies in the House of Lords ready to stand by me, besides a majority of 151 since that, in the House of Commons, against 84, though the Secretary of State and the Chancellor of the Exchequer were in the minority, I think the game easy, if you either come out or will admit very few people.

GEORGE R.' Lord Chatham, in his answer, prefers seeing the Duke of Grafton. He sends a formal letter to that effect, but also the explanatory one, which will be read with a tender interest by all the admirers of genius, and all who can feel for the ravages which bodily illness makes on the strength of the mind, as far as regards exertion.

Lord Chatham most humbly begs leave to lay himself with all duty at the King's feet, and, fearing lest he may not have rightly apprehended his Majesty's most gracious commands, humbly entreats his Majesty to permit him to say, that, seeing the Duke of Graston to-morrow morning, he understands it not to be his Majesty's pleasure, that he should attend his Majesty any part of the day to-morrow. He is unhappily obliged to confess, that the honour and weight of such an audience would have been more than he could sustain, in his present extreme weaknes of nerves and spirits. He begs to pour forth again the deepest sense of his Majesty's boundless condescension and goodness, and to implore that, in compassion for his state, his Majesty would be pleased to grant him some further time for recovery.'

The subsequent letters show that he had this interview, and a second with the Duke. But the King having sent a very kind note to inquire after his health, and to express a hope that the exertion he had made did not prove hurtful, the answer is, that they had. Immediately after the King applies to him again, in consequence of a still more critical state of his government, and adds,

Upon the whole, I earnestly call upon you to lay before me a plan, and also to speak to those you shall propose for responsible offices. You owe this to me, to your country, aud also to those who have embarked in administration with you. If after this you again decline taking an active part, 1 shall then lie under a necessity of taking steps, that nothing but the situation I am left in could have obliged to.

· GEORGE R.' The Earl's answer is as follows:


• Lord Chatham, totally incapable from an increase of illness to use his pen, most humbly begs leave to lay himself with all duty and submission at the King's feet, and with unspeakable affliction again lo represent to

bis Majesty the most unhappy and ulter disability which his present state of health as yet continues to lay him under ; and once more most humbly to implore compassion and pardon from his Majesty, for the cruel situation which still deprives him of the possibility of activity, and of proving to his Majesty the truth of an unfeigned zeal, in the present moment rendered useless.'

His Majesty then prescribes a physician for his afflieted minister; and is respectfully and thankfully intreated to leave him in Dr Addington's hands, who gives him the strongest assurances of • recovering with proper time. The prediction is gradually but completely verified, and at length the patient's health is restored so as to suffer little more than ordinary gout, which ten years later, as is well known, brought his illustrious life to a close.

It is manifest from all these documents that nothing could be more false than the stories of the Earl's insanity. First, When bis colleagues wrote letters to him treating him as a perfectly sane person, it is clear that they had sufficient information, through the usual channels, of his situation. Secondly, The answers they received regularly, though in Lady Chatham's hand, were manifestly dictated by himself. Thirdly, When he was at the very worst, he wrote to the King in his own hand. And Lastly, At the same period of greatest exacerbation of his malady, be twice bad interviews with his colleagues on state affairs.

Here, for the present, we close these imperfect portraitures. To complete the group which we have undertaken to represent to our countrymen in the present day, some striking figures remain to be added. Sir Robert Walpole and Mr Pulteney, Lord Bolingbroke and Sir William Wyndham, in Lord Chatham's earliest years; Lord Camden, Lord Hardwicke, and Charles Townshend, toward the middle of bis history. Dunning, and Lee, and some lesser men, towards its concluding scene, will furnish matter for much reflection as well as food for some curiosity before we finally quit this subjecf.

Before dismissing the subject, however, we must be permitted to add, that these chapters of Commentary upon the Political History of the country have been composed, not only without the least desire to serve the purposes of party, but rather with the intention, first, of showing how dangerous is the abuse of party principle; and next and chiefly, of setting before the people the great duty of forming their own opinions, and before statesmen the paramount obligations under which they are laid, by the position they volunteer te occupy;-obligations that make it a great crime to neglect, for any selfish or any faetious consideration, the duties they owe to the improvement of their fellow-citizens. We are well aware that they who attack party, or make a stand against its unthinking violence, expose themselves to the united assaults of all the factions of the day. But we are also convinced that, without at all undervaluing the important services which the principle of party association is calculated to render, its abuses are most carefully to be guarded against ; and of this we are quite certain, that a better service cannot be rendered to the people, than to show them how they may most safely as well as most beneficially avail themselves of the advice of great statésmen, namely, by looking to them and taking counsel with them, but also by thinking and resolving for themselves, so as to prevent their councillors from becoming their masters, and administering the state affairs not for the country's benefit but their own,


ART.V.A Diary in America, with Remarks onits Institutions.

By Capt. MARRYAT. 3 Vols. 12mo. London : 1839.

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N the spring of 1837, Captain Marryat was looking out for

new combinations of human nature. Having exhausted the old world, he bethought him of the new. The puerilities and contradictions of former travellers to the United States, had only provoked and puzzled him. He resolved, therefore, to take the case into his own hands. On his landing, and for three weeks afterwards, New York appeared extremely like one of our prineipal provincial towns; but he soon altered his opinion. Even

at New York, the English appearance of the people gradually 4 wore away; my perception of character became more keen, my observance, consequently, more nice and close; and I found that . there was a great deal to reflect upon and investigate, and that • America and the American people were indeed an enigma: and

I was no longer surprized at the incongruities which were to be detected in those works which had attempted to describe the country. I do not assert that I shall myself succeed, when só many have failed; but, at any rate, this I am certain of, my re* marks will be based upon a more sure foundation--an analysis

of human nature. The immediate subject, which this analysis is to explain by reducing it to its elements, is then announced with the same emphasis and precision. I did not sail across

the Atlantic to ascertain whether the Americans eat their din'ners with two-prong iron, or three-prong silver forks. My object was to examine and ascertain what were the effects of 'a democratic form of government and climate upon a people


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which, with all its foreign admixture, may still be considered as English

These are brave words. The misfortune is, that they have nothing to do, or next to nothing, with the present work, beyond shining in the introduction. They belong to an all bail here• after.' In the last paragraph of the last volume, the reader learns for the first time, from the author, (what, to be sure, he had previously discovered for himself, that in justice to the • Americans,' he must suspend his judgment for the present; for that an examination into American society and govern* ment, and the working out of the problem, are still to be exe

cuted.' The announcement, it must be confessed, comes rather late. We never before encountered an introduction, written, as it were, for the express purpose of leading its readers to expect an entertainment of an entirely opposite description to what the author had provided for them. The constrast between the magnificent feast to which we were asked with all this ceremony, and the light repast which is actually served up, can produce only surprise and mortification, the worse for being gratuitous. Both author and reader lose so much by it, that we sincerely hope we may never meet with an experiment of the kind again. From the same cause, another ridicule attaches to the Diary and Remarks in their present shape. Their pretension to philosophical superiority over former publications on the United States, is absolutely ludicrous.

Cambuscan's story, 'left half told,' unluckily stopped short. As far as it went, it was, however, a striking part-performance of an intended whole. The contrary is the case with Captain Marryat's American story. Nor can we perceive how the first portion is capable of being usefully connected with the second, supposing the second portion to be written in conformity with the original engagement. There are some pleasant stories in this first portion-some (what are meant to be) grave discussions -heavy subjects lightly handled; but there is nothing which can be used as either fact or argument, in any work wbich shall be seriously designed to show, by competent analysis, the effects of a new government and climate upon an English race. Gossip does not easily become philosophy—least of all, the philosophy of a system. The book which Captain Marryat has given us, is therefore not only not the book, but it is not even a part of the book, which he had promised. While he has not performed a tittle of his undertaking, may it not happen, nevertheless, that he has established the converse, and proved that the undertaking is one which he never can perform ? This, we think, Captain Marryat has done—at least it is a point on which, slightly as he

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