truth or of untruth, of justice or of injustice; and it had nothing to do with the question of generosity. He cared not how generous a man might be. Though his generosity might be unbounded, no man had a right to vote what he did not think to be true. No man had a right to render a judgment for mere form, which judgment he did not really entertain. This was the principle which had gov. erned that precedent; and it had been regarded as the only mode either of rewarding a faithful, impartial, dignified Speaker, or of punishing one who possessed not those qualities.

In reply to some remarks of the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. WELLER,] Mr. WISE had only to say that it would be the meanest malignity for any gentleman to refuse a vote of thanks to a Speaker who, all believed, had tried honestly and conscientiously to discharge his duties to justify a vote of this kind merely on party grounds. He could not vote either upon one side or the other, although he had always been a party man, like the gentleman from Ohio. He could not vote as a partisan, or act as a partisan, were he Speaker; for that partisan spirit which actuated them in the heat of debate, and in their usual business here, oaght entirely to be excluded from the human bosom when an individual took that chair.

Mr. W. remarked, in conclusion, that he had merely risen to vindicate those who, on a former occasion, bad voted against a similar resolution, which had been alluded to.

Mr. C. J. INGERSOLL observed that he should not have said one word but for what had fallen from his particular friend and colleague, [Mr. BROWN,] who had first addressed the House. Should he act as a private individual, actuated only by feelings and griefs of a personal nature, he might perhaps as bitterly and as heartily vote against this resolution of thanks as any other member of the House. When he first came here, thirty years ago, he had been placed upon the Committee on the Judiciary, and he confessed be felt not a little repugnance to find himself thrust down by the present Speaker to the tail of that committee. And when he had attempted his maiden speech on the floor of the present Congress, the House would recollect how repeatedly and in how overbearing a manner he had been called to order by the Chair for irrelevancy; so often, indeed, that had he not been rather a cool old gentleman, he should have been quite overcome by it. But Mr. I. entirely agreed with his colleague [Mr. BROWN] that he had here no right to vote as an individual; he acted here as the representative of one hundred thousand men, women, and children, and as a member of the great American family. And as to the charge upon the Speaker of having acted as a party man, did they not all belong to political parties of some description? And did not his colleague know that he was in a minority here? And were they bound to expect from the presiding officer-from any presiding officer-under such circumstances, anything different from what they had received? Mr. I. had been in that hall when one of the most brilliant, powerful, and eloquent men that this or any other country had ever produced presided in that chair; and he had witnessed, at that time, as at all other times had happened, both before and since, the selection of committees made in part on political and party grounds. This was to be looked for; and, unless the Speaker acted on feelings of odious, open, and despicable partiality in distributing the appointments of the House, the members of the House were bound to vote in the belief that he had done no more than to act in conformity to those free Democratic principles in which they all lived, moved, and had their political being as American citizens. Mr. I. was free to confess that, during the first session he had been here, he had for a time felt sore, and felt annoyed by the course of the Chair in regard to him, and considered himself as not without some reason to complain, (though he never complained unless the case was very hard indeed, for it never did any good, or procured a man any respect;) but, during the last two sessions, he thought the course of the Speaker had well entitled him to a vote of thanks like that now proposed, and he should vote it most cheerfully.

He would add that, in his judgment, we owed something, we owed much, to the country; we owed something, we owed much, to our own free institutions; we owed something, too, and very much, to history. He was not at liberty, because he, as an individual, might suppose the composition of the committees of the House to be improper or inexpedient, to refuse, on that account, his vote of thanks to a presiding officer who had, in the general, done his best to preserve impartiality in administering the duties of the Chair; and such he did, in his conscience, believe had been the aim and endeavor of the present Speaker. He had thought, during the last six weeks, that the Speaker had been to blame for many things. For example, Mr. I. had hardly been able to step into the lobby, or even to move into various parts of the House itself, without being interrupted by "lobby members" and other persons. This he presumed to be, at least in part, the fault of the Speaker. But it was a part of their legislation which every gentleman owed to every other gentleman, to say for him, if it could with truth be said, that he had discharged his public duty in an impartial, fair, and dignified manner. And Mr. I. would here say, that he felt entirely free to ac knowledge that, bad he been placed in that chair, he doubted greatly whether he should have be. haved as well, upon the whole, as this Speaker had done. Mr. I. again observed, that he agreed with his colleague [Mr. BROWN] that it was their duty, on occasions like these, to act and vote, not for themselves personally, but for their constituents for their country-for history, and not for party in any form. Let him ask the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. WISE,] and all others, what had been the consequence of the withholding, by this House, of a vote of thanks from Mr. Speaker Polk? It had made him Governor of one of the most respectable States of this Union. [A voice: "Not at all-not in the least."] He could tell that gentleman that he was mistaken; it had operated greatly in producing that very result.

Mr. TURNEY here interposed, and remarked that the House had not, in point of fact, withheld its vote of thanks from Mr. Speaker Polk; neither had the attempt to do so had any the least influence on the gubernatorial election in Tennessee.

Mr. INGERSOLL resumed. As to that, he had not the honor of being a citizen of that State, and was not, therefore, as well entitled to speak as the gentleman might be. But he had been about to ask what were the feelings of the people in cases of this kind? Did they sympathize with the personal resentments of members here? Members themselves were, while within these walls, in the very focus of most powerful passions; they hated one and loved another, and were often brim full of wrath and resentment; but the moment they stepped without those doors, they got out of the charmed circle in which they had thus been spell-bound, and found that they were in a very different region. The people were always disposed to be generous and forgiving, and they looked with but little approbation on the cherishing of an opposite spirit by gentlemen leaving these halls. For himself, he must in candor say, that while he had voted against most of those political measures which Mr. Speaker White approved, and would have preferred that they should not succeed, he could not find it in his conscience or in his breast, and as a duty he owed to patriotism and to the country, to withhold his vote of thanks on such an occasion; and though the yeas and nays should be ordered, he must continue to act under this conviction, and record his name in favor of the resolution.

Mr. COOPER of Pennsylvania said that he did not know that the refusal of his colleague, [Mr. C. BROWN,] who had first addressed the House, to vote in favor of the pending resolution, would detract anything from the honor which the Speaker might receive from its adoption. He was, indeed, rather inclined to believe that his colleague's vote in its favor would have been understood as casting some degree of suspicion on the Speaker's integrity; and he suspected very much that that officer would rather rejoice that he was without the vote of a man who would refuse to vote a resolution

of common courtesy. Mr. C. said he had not risen with any purpose of entering into a quarrel with his colleague. What people was it that he represented on this floor? The citizens of Phila delphia, or a portion of them. And had his constituency been treated unjustly or slightingly by the Speaker in his appointment of the standing committees of that House? Let gentlemen look at the facts, and then the gentleman would find that his vociferous accusations would not go very faragainst recorded history. The Committee of Ways and Means had a member from Philadelphia placed upon it; the Committee on Commerce had another member from Philadelphia; the Committee on the Judiciary had another gentleman from Philadel phia, and, at the first session of this Congress, had had two; and yet the gentleman could get up here and avail himself of a moment like this to obtrude his private griefs, and pour out on that House the bitterness of his gall. Mr. C. was informed that his colleague had at one time been appointed a member of the Committee on Commerce, but had never once met the committee.

[Mr. BROWN. At the extra session-it met but once.]

Thus it appeared, not only that three of the most weighty and important committees of the House had each a member from the city of Philadelphia, but his colleague himself was placed by the Speaker on the Committee of Private Land Claims. This, however, it seemed, was, in his estimation, a sta tion quite below his merits; he had been most unjustly and injuriously slighted, and so had his constituents in his person, because the Speaker had not placed him at the head of the Committee of Ways and Means, or of the Committee on Commerce. And now, at the closing moment of the session, he was found moved by private griefs, 1 and what Mr. C. (to use no harsher epithet) would call a vain ambition, to pursue a course which Mr. C. would venture to predict was likely to prove less an injury than a relief to him against whom it was aimed. Mr. C. would appeal to the number of times his colleague had occupied the floor during this Congress. What one member, even on the most important committees of the House, had oftener consumed its time? The gentleman might probably have thrown great light upon its deliberations; or, if he had thrown none at all, (which might be the opinion of some,) Mr. C. at any rate remembered to have read in the history of Rome that the gabbling of a goose once saved the capitol. [Laughter.] His colleague, it ap peared, was disposed to complain that he had been placed upon what he esteemed too mean a committee for a person of his distinction-the Committee on Private Land Claims; though at the head of that committee was a gentleman from Louisiana, [Mr. MOORE,] to act with whom would be no dishonor to one of far higher claims than his colleague could pretend to.

Mr. BROWN, who had several times attempted to interpose, here obtained the floor for explana tion, and said that the whole of his colleague's remarks were based upon what was not a fact. Mr. B. was not on that committee. Let the gentleman confine himself to matter of fact, and not proceed upon mere fiction.

Mr. COOPER, resuming, said he would very soon explain how the matter of fact stood. His colleague had been placed upon that committee by the Speaker, and his name had stood as a member of it for eight months, during all which time Mr. C. doubted if he had once been present at any meeting of the committee-certainly not half a dozen times. [A voice: "Not once."] And because the business of the committee had accumulated through bis inattention, his name had been put off from the roll of its members.

The CHAIR here called to order.

After some desultory remarks on the question of

order

3

Mr. COOPER resumed, and said that he hoped, when an attack like this, and at such an hour, was made upon the presiding officer of that House, he, (Mr. C.,) who felt his State disgraced by the conduct of his colleague, might be permitted to state what were the facts in reference to that gentleman, as well as his colleague to state his allegations in

regard to the Speaker. Mr. C. repeated the assertion, that this colleague of his, though a member of a committee of much importance, and on whose hands a vast amount of business was thrown, had not attended the committee half a dozen times in nine months, and that therefore

Here Mr. C. was again called to order; when, after a good deal of confusion, he said that he had no desire to violate the order of the House, or to proceed out of order; nor did he esteem it to be out of order to state what was a fact that his colleague had been removed from the committee for neglect and inefficiency.

Here the confusion was greatly increased.

Mr. PAYNE called the gentleman from Pennsylvania to order; and the point which he wished to make was this: Was it in order for a member to speak of another as having, by his conduct, disgraced his State?

Mr. C. BROWN hoped the gentleman from Alabama would not press his point of order. His colleague was a disgrace to the House, and nothing be could say could disgrace him below what he

#25.

Mr. COOPER said that, as he considered the subject not worth the controversy, he would resign the floor, and resume his seat; which he did.

Mr. CUSHING said he took the floor in the hope that a motion he proposed to make, before be resumed his seat, might have the effect of putting an end to this most unseasonable and very painful debate. He was himself ready to vote this resolution; he should do so, viewing it as an act of courtesy due to the Speaker of the House. They were now approaching the end of a most agitated Congress a Congress involving the greatest amount of intense political passion of any which had existed in the entire history of our Government; and he deeply regretted that in this, the closing hour, when they were about to bid each other adieu-it might be forever-instead of parting as friends, as fellow legislators, as fellow-citizens of the republic, and, he might say, as gentlemen-they were indulging in these, the expiring moments of their political existence, in a bitter and exasperated personal debate.

If there was any man on that floor who bad. cause to feel that, in the personal and party contests which had marked the history of this body, during both its present and its past session, injustice had been done to him, Mr. C. was that man. He felt it; he knew it; but he was ready to sacrifice all recollection of personal umbrage at the altar of the common good, and of an affectionate desire for the peace and honor of that House. It might be that be was about to leave that floor but to enter on a still more agitated theatre-to go back to the people again upon questions which agitated the country as much as they did that. House, if not more. But he desired to leave that hall with feelings of the kindest regard to every member, and, above all, towards him who had occupied that chair. That charity might be extended to himself, he desired first to show charity towards others. He fully realized for himself, and he called upon the House to realize and to consider, under what unspeakable embarrassments, both political and personal, from the division and subdivision of parties, the duties of the Chair had been performed; and, in view of this, if he, or if other gentlemen, should feel that, on this or on that occasion, their pride of place might not have been gratified by the Chair, he appealed to them, he appealed to himself, to cast from them all such recollections, with all unkind feelings which might be called up by them-so that they might, in parting, press hand to hand, with nothing bat emotions of mutual regard and good-will.

Under views like these, he should close the few words he had ventured to present, by moving the previous question.

And, by ayes 69, noes 58, the demand was seconded.

And the main question (i. e., on the adoption of the resolution) was ordered to be taken.

Mr. ANDREWS of Kentucky asked the yeas and nays; which were ordered.

Mr. WISE moved to be excused from voting on this occasion; and he did so, in part, that he might obtain the opportunity of occupying a moment in

vindicating himself from a charge which had gone the rounds of the country, and which he availed himself of the present opportunity to repel, once and forever. He entertained the most kindly feelings towards the Speaker of that House-a gentleman who bad, on all occasions, treated Mr. W. with the utmost urbanity, courtesy, and deference, and with whom he had received and reciprocated the personal courtesies of life; and he now declared here, before God and his country, that the reasons which induced him to ask to be excused from voting on the present resolution, were not reasons of a personal nature. A slander had gone abroad, which represented Mr. W.'s course here to have sprung from a sense of disappointment in not having been able to reach the high station which bad been occupied by the Speaker of that House-a station to which there was none under this Government he should prefer. He would not affect to say that he never had desired it: it was a station fit to be the summit of ambition to any man whose bosom was the seat of just and laudable aspirations. But he did here solemnly declare, and with as positive certainty as the infirmity of our nature enabled any man to speak of the motives of his own heart, that in no one act of his public life had be been actuated towards that gentleman by any sense of personal or political disappointment. The contrary, whether whispered secretly by the insidious tongue of slanderous malignity, or openly bruited through the columns of a corrupt and venal press, he here pronounced to be a falsehood. He left this declaration to be remembered-yes, to be remem. bered; and he was perfectly serious in his request to be excused from voting.

The question being pu1, the request of Mr. WISE was not complied with.

This question was then taken, and the vote re. sulted as follows: yeas 141, nays 17.

TREASURY NOTE BILL.

Mr. FILLMORE moved that the House take up the treasury note bill, for the purpose of acting upon an amendment from the Senate, on which a Committee of Conference had made a report.

Mr. MERIWETHER called for the reading of the report.

[Messages were received from the Senate and the President.]

Mr. MERIWETHER rose to make an inquiry. He wished to know whether the report of the Committee of Conference provided that bonds should be issued, in lieu of treasury notes, and redeema. bie in ten years.

The Clerk read the report of the Conference Committee; but it was not intelligibly heard, above the noise which universally prevailed.

Mr. MERIWETHER moved to lay the report on the table. This motion was rejected.

The previous question was then sustained. Mr. J. C. INGERSOLL asked for the yeas and nays on concurring with the Conference Committee in their report. They were ordered.

The report of the Committee of Conference was concurred in-yeas 99, nays 73, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Adams, Allen, Landaff W. Andrews, Sherlock J. Andrews, Arnold, Aycrigg, Babcock, Baker, Barnard, Barton, Blair, Boardman, Borden, Eowne, Briggs, Bronson, Jeremiah Brown, Calhoun, Thomas J. Campbell, Cary, Childs, Chittenden. John C. Clark, James Cooper, Cowen, Cranston, Cravens, Cushing, Richard D. Davis, Deberry, Everett, Ferris, Fillmore, Thomas F. Foster, Gamble, Gates, Granger, -Green, Hall, Halsted, Houck, Howard, Hudson, William W. Irwin, William Cost Johnson, Isaac D. Jones, Keim, John P. Kennedy, King, Linn, Robert McClellan, McKennan, Thomas F. Marshall, Mattocks, Maxwell, Maynard, Morgan, Morris, Morrow, Oliver, Osborne, Pope, Powell, Ramsey, Benjamin Randall, Alex. Randall, Randolph, Ridgway, Riggs, Rodney, William Russell, James M. Russell, Saltonstall, Sanford, Shepperd, Shields, Slade, Sollers, Sprigg, Stanly, Stokely, Stratton, Alex. H. H. Stuart, Summers, Sumter, Taliaferro, Tillinghast, Toland, Tomlinson, Trumbull, Underwood, Van Rensselaer, E. D. White, Thomas W. Williams, Joseph L. Williams, Winthrop, Yorke, and John Young-99.

NAYS-Messrs. Atherton, Beeson, Billack, A. V. Brown, Milton Brown, Charles Brown, Burke, P. C. Caldwell, John Campbell, William B. Campbell, Caruthers, Casey, Chapman, Clinton, Coles, Cross, Daniel, Garrett Davis, Dean, Doig, John G. Floyd, Charles A. Floyd, Gilmer, Patrick G. Goode, Graham, Gwin, Harris, Hastings, Hays, Hopkins, Houston, Hubard, Charles J. Ingersoll, Cave Johnson, Andrew Ken nedy, Lane, Lewis, Littlefield, Lowell, Abraham McClellan, McKeon, J. T. Mason, Mathiot, Medill, Meriwether, Miller, Moore, Owsley, Parmenter, Payne, Plumer, Rayner, Read, Reding, Rencher, Reynolds, Rogers, Roosevelt, Sewell, Shaw, William Smith, Snyder, Steenrod, John T. Stuart, John B. Thompson, Richard W. Thompson, Triplett, Trotti, Turney, Weller, Westbrook, and Christopher H. Williams-73.

A pile of enrolled bills were signed by the Speaker.

Mr. FILLMORE moved that the House act upon the report of the Conference Committee on THE CIVIL AND DIPLOMATIC APPROPRIATION BILL.

The report was read It recommends:

1st. That the House recede from its disagreement to the amendment of the Senate, increasing the pay of the printers to the present Congress to the rates allowed by the joint resolution of 1819.

2d. That the Senate recede from its amendment, increasing the pay of T. Allen, and of Blair & Rives, for printing the Compendium of the Sixth Census. But the committee also recommends the adoption of a clause, providing that nothing contained in this bill shall operate as a bar to the claims of Allen and Blair & Rives, hereafter, for. the full amount of compensation for executing the printing of the Compendium.

3d. That the House recede from its disagreement to the Senate's amendment, by which the appropriation for the salaries of the Recorder and Solicitor of the General Land Office is retained.

4th. That the House and Senate recede from the several amounts named by them as the salaries of travelling agents of the Post Office Department; and that the sum of $1,250 be fixed as the annual pay of those officers.

Mr. FILLMORE explained the report, and hoped it would be adopted. He moved the previous question; which was sustained.

Mr. CAVE JOHNSON asked the yeas and nays; which were ordered.

A division of the question was called.

The question was therefore taken on the first recommendation of the Committee of Conference, (the effect of which is to increase the pay of the printers to Congress to the prices of 1819.)

This recommendation of the committee was agreed to-yeas 80, nays 78.

Mr. ANDREWS of Kentucky moved a reconsideration of the vote just taken.

Mr. BOTTS moved to lay the motion for reconsideration on the table; which motion was carriedyeas 93, nays 68.

Mr. C. H. WILLIAMS asked leave to offer a resolution suspending the joint rule in relation to the military district bill.

And Mr. J. R. INGERSOLL made a similar motion as to the joint resolution in relation to weights and measures.

Objection being made, the rules were suspended, and the resolution (under the operation of the previous question) was adopted.

On motion of Mr. CUSHING, certain maps of the Northeastern boundary were ordered to be printed.

Mr. GRAHAM asked the House to take up the bill in relation to the preservation of live-oak timber.

Mr. G. moved that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union be discharged from the consideration of said bill; which motion was agreed to.

And the bill was read a third time and passed. The rule was suspended to enable the bill to be sent to the Senate.

Mr. ANDREWS of Kentucky, remarking that during his service as a member of this House he had not asked a favor in behalf of himself and his constituents, and making an urgent appeal in behalf of the parties concerned, asked leave to offer a resolution providing that the messengers and attendants of the House should be paid the same compensation as those of the Senate.

Mr. SMITH of Virginia objected.

Mr. ANDREWS moved a suspension of the rules.

Mr. MERIWETHER moved to lay the motion on the table.

Mr. CAVE JOHNSON asked the yeas and nays; which were ordered, and being taken, resulted in yeas 70, nays 77.

So the rules were not suspended. APPROPRIATIONS, ORDINARY AND EX

TRAORDINARY.

Mr. BEESON offered the following resolution; on

which, after being read for information, ke moved a suspension of the rules: negatived.

Whereas by a resolution adopted on the 23d ult., the House directed the Secretary of the Treasury, among other things, to report the amount of the appropriations for each year, from the 4th of March, 1829, to the 4th of March, 1843, exclusive of public debt and trust funds:

And whereas it is necessary to a fair and full understanding of the financial economy of the several administrations intervening, that a thorough discrimination should be made between expenditures, ordinary and extraordinary, of that eventful period; and also between appropriations made of unborrowed and borrowed moneys: therefore,

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report to this House a statement showing the amount of the ap propriations for each year, from the 4th of March, 1829, to the 4th of March, 1843, discriminating between appropriations or. dinary-such as those for the support of the civil administra. tion, army and navy, personel and materiel, on the peace estab lishment-and extraordinary, such as not only public debt and trust funds, but also such as those made on account of the Florida war; purchases of Indian lands; removal of Indians; pay. ment for property taken for public use, and injuries committed during hostilities; donations to objects in the District of Colum. bia; survey of the coast; claims of States for war debts; taking the census; duties refunded; materials for increase of the navy; durable public buildings, roads, bridges, canals, breakwaters; improvements in rivers and harbors; fortifications, pensions, gratuities; exploring expedition, &c; distinguishing, also, be tween appropriations made from unborrowed, and those from borrowed moneys; and that said report be appended to, and published with, the report directed by the House, on the 23d ult., to be made on the subject of public expenditures.

Mr. ATHERTON, from the Committee of Ways and Means, made an unfavorable report on the petition of Amos Wade, praying for remission of duties.

Mr. SMITH of Virginia moved to take up the bill No. 25, for the relief of Mrs. Nourse.

Mr. STEENROD moved to take up the bill No. 32, fixing the compensation of pension agents.

Mr. SMITH moved that the Committee of the Whole be discharged from the further consideration of bill No. 25; and

Mr. STEENROD moved that the Committee of the Whole be discharged from the further consideration of bill No. 32.

All these motions were pronounced out of order. [During this, time, and, indeed, the whole of the evening session, there was a great deal of noise and confusion; numbers of members trying to obtain the floor, and offering motions which were either out of order, or not heard by the Chair.]

GENERAL JACKSON'S FINE.

Mr. GWIN moved that the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole, for the purpose of taking up the bill to refund the fine of General Jackson.

Mr. J. P. KENNEDY called for the yeas and

nays.

Great confusion ensued; but ultimately the yeas and nays were taken, and they resulted as follows: yeas 77, nays 83.

Mr. CUSHING submitted the usual resolution for the appointment of a committee to wait upon the President, and inform him that, if he had no further communication to make, the two Houses of Congress were ready to adjourn.

Mr. J. R. INGERSOLL wished, first, to call up a motion for the printing of 5,000 extra copies of the reports of the two committees on the two hundred million national stock projet.

Mr. TALIAFERRO also moved that the Committee of the Whole be discharged from some bill in relation to the Patent Office; but its precise object was not heard.

After some other irregular proceedings, Mr. CUSHING'S resolution was adopted.

Mr. PROFFIT offered a resolution to pay extra compensation to the clerks and messengers of the House; but, as it was objected to, it was withdrawn.

Mr. J. P. KENNEDY was understood to move a modification of Mr. J. R. INGERSOLL'S motion, so as to fix 3,000 as the extra number of copies of the reports to be printed.

Mr. BEESON offered an amendment; but, as the previous question had been moved on Mr. J. R. INGERSOLL's motion, it was not in order.

Mr. CAVE JOHNSON moved to lay the motion on the table; and it was carried.

Various motions were made; but they were objected to, and were not acted upon.

Mr. ADAMS offered a resolution which was understood to be declaratory of some general principles in relation to the capture at Monterey.

As objections were made, he moved a suspension of the rules.

Mr. MALLORY called for the yeas and nays; and, being ordered, they resulted as follows-yeas 74, nays 83.

Mr. BEESON woved a suspension of the rules, in order to enable him to get in his resolution. The motion was rejected.

Mr. C. J. INGERSOLL offered a resolution, directing the Clerk to pay the several pages, messengers, &c., of the House, $100 each in addition to their regular compensation.

Mr. SMITH of Virginia objected to the reception of the resolution.

Mr. C. H. WILLIAMS moved a suspension of the rules, in order to get the résolution in.

Mr. SMITH of Virginia asked for the yeas and nay; which were ordered: thereupon, the resolution was withdrawn.

Mr. CAVE JOHNSON asked if the hour of 12 had not arrived? and wished to know if a motion to adjourn was not in order.

The CHAIR requested the gentleman to sus. pend his motion a moment.

Mr. LEVY attempted to have passed a resolution, calling on the Secretary of the Navy for information in relation to the construction of a marine hospital at Key West, in Florida.

The SPEAKER said the hour of 12 had arrived, and no new business could be introduced.

Mr. T. F MARSHALL rose and said he moved that there be printed, for the use of the House, 20,000 extra copies of the report of the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. W. C. JOHNSON,] in relation to the $200,000,000 scheme for advancing the credit of the country.

[Many members: "The motion is not in order."] Mr. MARSHALL said he would withdraw the motion so soon as he had spoken.

After some conversation between the SPEAKER and Mr. MARSHALL, the latter withdrew his motion.

While the House was waiting for action on the part of the Senate, conversation occurred at intervals on various subjects of no interest, on the part of several members, interspersed with sundry pauses. At last,

Mr. PICKENS observed that he had repeatedly known the House to adjourn without hearing from the Senate, which had business apart from its connexion with the House of Pepresentatives. The Senate was now in executive session, and there was no reason why the House should wait for it.

The SPEAKER inquired whether the gentleman proposed to send a separate message to the President from this Honse?

Mr. PICKENS said he did.

[Here there was another pause.]

Mr PICKENS moved that a committee wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that the House of Representatives, having transacted all the business before it, was ready to adjourn, provided he had no further communication to make to them carried, and Messrs. PICKENS, WISE, and JOSEPH R. INGERSOLL, were appointed the committee.

After a few moments

Mr. PICKENS, from the abovementioned committee, returned, and reported that they had performed the duty assigned them, and had received for answer that the President had no further communication to make to this branch of Congress; and he wished them a happy return to their homes, and the enjoyment of the society of their families.

Mr. PICKENS then moved that the House adjourn sine die; which being carried.

The SPEAKER addressed the House as follows:

GENTLEMEN: Before I declare, for the last time, your adjournment, allow me to tender to each and every one of you my grateful thanks for the attention and respect I have invariably received as your presiding officer; and especially for the flattering expression of favorable opinion contained in the resolution ordered to be entered on your journal this night. Yet I cannot but feel that I am more indebted to the kindness of this House, than its jus. tice, in the adoption of this resolution.

I trust, however, I shall ever cherish all those

THE END,

emotions of gratitude and affection which so signal an instance of your generosity ought to inspire. Whilst the censure of this body cannot be consid ered a trivial punishment, its praise can never be esteemed an ordinary compliment. Next to the satisfaction arising from a consciousness of hav ing discharged my duty, is the approbation of those who have been constant witnesses of my official conduct. It was with diffidence and hesitancy, knowing well the high but just responsibility of this station, that I persuaded myself to engage in the discharge of its delicate and arduous duties: Nothing but the hope that I should receive the cordial support of the liberal of all sides in this House could have induced me to undertake so difficult a task.

I take pleasure in stating that my most sanguine expectations of candor and favor have been more than realized. Amidst all the excitement growing out of animated debates upon the great interests of the country, which have so often and so deeply im pressed all our minds, and enlisted the warmest feelings of the heart, I have experienced a uniform" politeness from every quarter of this House. When, in the trial of opinion upon questions of import. ance and difficulty, this House has been equally divided, and my vote has been demanded by the rules, I have invariably found, in that half of the members from whose judgment I have differed, a disposition to allow me the same freedom of deliberation and independence of thought which they asserted for themselves.

The position I have occupied since my elevation to this Chair has made it my duty to scan closely the progress of business in this House; and I owe it to truth and justice to declare, without reference to party, that I have witnessed an industry, a patriotism, and independence, a series of information and eloquence, that would have done honor to any deliberative assembly in any age or country.

Well am I convinced, in despite of the recent ef forts that have been made, in various quarters, by misrepresentation and traduction, to weaken the public respect and confidence in the immediate Representatives of the people, that the scrutiny of time will prove this House to be the sanctuary of the Constitution-the citadel of civil liberty-the palladium of this republic. It is here it is here, in this grand inquest of the nation-here, if any. where, that resistance will be made to the silent arts of corruption, or to the daring encroachments of power: and if the Constitution, the sacred char ter of American freedom, be destined to perish by the ruthless band of the demagogue or the usurper, (which God avert!) here, upon this floor, it will breathe its last agonies-its dying gasp.

In the course of our deliberations, in a moment of commotion and excitement, I am sensible I may, at times, have wounded the feelings of mem bers. I have never arrested the progress of business, to enter into explanations. My position in this chair made it impossible for me to do so, without endangering the order and dignity of this House. Besides, the moment of irritation is not the most propitious time for satisfactory explana. tions. I have chosen, at the hazard of injustice to my motives, to leave my justification to the calm and sober reflection of members. On my part, I have no wrongs to complain of from any individ ual upon this floor. If any have been intended or done, they have long since been forgiven and for. gotten. I thank my God I have no memory for injuries.

ers.

We are now about to part-many, very many of us, never to meet again. Let us separate as social, moral beings should separate-as friends, as brothMay the honor of this House, and the honor of this nation, be the paramount ambition of as all. No matter what may be our future destiny-whether in private or public life-let all the ends we aim at be our country's, God's, and Truth's.

With cordial wishes for your health and happiness, and fervent prayers for the peace, prosperity, and lasting liberty of our common country, I pronounce this House adjourned without day.

The address was received with loud expressions of gratification.

And the House, sine die, adjourned.

27TH CONG.........3D SESS.

REPORT

OF THE CLERK OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE U. S.,

In compliance with the "Act to authorize the appointmeni of additional paymasters, and for other purposes," passed July 4, 1836.

OFFICE OF THE HOUSE OF REPS. U. S,
March 3, 1843)

In obedience to the 6th section of the "Act to authorize the appointment of additional paymasters, and for other purposes," passed July 4, 1836, which requires "the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Representatives, as soon as may be after the close of each session of Congress, to publish a statement of all appropriations made during the session; and also a statement of the new offices created, and the salaries of each, and also a statement of the offices the salaries of which are increased, and the amount of such increase," the Clerk of the House of Representatives submits the accompanying statements. MW. ST. CLAIR CLARKE, Clerk Ho. of Reps.

Statement of appropriations made for the half calendar year ending 30th June, 1843, and the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1844, during the 3d session of the 27th Congress of the United States of America, commencing December 5, 1842, and ending March 3, 1843.

H. R. No. 615. For the civil and diplomatic expenses of Government for the half calendar year ending the thirtieth day of June, eighteen hundred and forty-three.

For compensation and mileage of Senators and Members of the House of Representatives and delegates from the Territories

$366,888

For newspapers and periodicals

50

For compensation of the clerk and

For compensation of the officers and clerks of the Senate and House of Representatives For stationery, fuel, printing, and all other incidental and contingent expenses of the Senate

messenger in the office of the Commanding General

750

For compensation of the clerks and

of the public accounts,)

1,275

For sealing ship registers

50

messenger in the office of the Adjutant General

3,825

35,000

For miscellaneous items

350

For compensation of the clerks and

For stationery, fuel, printing, and all other incidental and contingent expenses of the House of Representatives

For compensation of the principal and two assistant librarians and messenger of the Library of Congress

messenger in the office of the Quartermaster General

3,650

For blank books, binding, and station

For compensation of the clerks and

messenger in the office of the Paymaster General

3,550

For compensation of the clerks and

For compensation of the President of the United States

DEPARTMENT OF STATE. For compensation of the Secretary of State, and the clerks, messenger, and assistant messenger in this department

For incidental and contingent expenses of said department, including publishing and distributing the

laws

For compensation of the superintendent and three watchmen of the northeast executive building

For contingent expenses of said building, viz:

For miscellaneous items

TREASURY DEPARTMENT.

For compensation of the Secretary of the Treasury, and the clerks, messenger, and assistant messenger in his office

For compensation of the First Comptroller, and the clerks, messenger, and assistant messenger in his office

For compensation of the Second Comp

messenger in the office of Clothing and Equipage at Philadelphia For compensation of the clerks and messenger in the office of the Commissary General of Subsistence For compensation of the clerks and messenger in the office of the Chief Engineer

2,100

2,650

2,825

For compensation of the clerks and

250

For labor

100

messenger in the office of the Surgeon General

1,325

For compensation of the clerks and

messenger in the office of the Colonel of Ordnance

4,325

For compensation of the clerks and

ery

150

For labor

125

messenger in the Bureau of Topographical Engineers

2,450

For compensation of the superintend

For miscellaneous items

50

ent and four watchmen of the northwest executive building

855

For contingent expenses of War De

ery

For labor

125

In the office of the Secretary of War: For blank books, binding, and station

For miscellaneous items

. 50

700

In the office of the Fourth Auditor:

350

For newspapers and periodicals

125

For blank books, binding, and station

For labor

150

25

For miscellaneous items

275

For extra clerk-hire

1,500

13,925

For miscellaneous items

100

In the office of the Fifth Auditor:

In the office of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs:

NAVY DEPARTMENT.

For compensation of the Secretary of the Navy, and the clerks, messenger, and assistant messenger in his office

For contingent expenses of said office, including blank books, binding, stationery, extra clerk-hire, printing, labor, miscellaneous items, and newspapers and periodicals For compensation of the chief of Bureau of Navy-yards and Docks, and the draughtsman, clerks, and messenger in his office For the contingent expenses of Bureau of Navy-yards and Docks For compensation of the chief of Bureau of Construction, Equipment, and Repair, and the assistant constructor, clerks, and messenger in his office

For contingent expenses of said bureau, including blank books, stationery, printing, labor, and miscellaneous items

For compensation of the chief of Bureau of Provisions and Clothing, and the clerks and messenger in his office

For contingent expenses of said bureau, including blank books, stationery, binding, and miscellaneous items

For compensation of the chief of Bureau of Ordnance and Hydrography, and the draughtsman, clerks, and messenger in his office For contingent expenses of said bu

reau

For compensation of the chief of Bureau of Medicine and Surgery, and the clerks and messenger in his office

For contingent expenses of said bureau, including blank books, binding, stationery, and miscellaneous items

For compensation of the surveyor general in Illinois and Missouri, and the clerks in his office For compensation of the surveyor general in Arkansas, and the clerks in his office

For compensation of the officers of Iowa Territory, viz:

For Governor

For three judges

For secretary✔

For contingent expenses of said Ter

ritory

For compensation of the surveyor general in Louisiana, and the clerks in his office For compensation of the surveyor general in Mississippi, and the clerks in his office For compensation of the surveyor general in Alabama, and the clerks in his office

For compensation of the officers of Florida Territory, viz:

For Governor

For five judges

For secretary

For contingent expenses of said Territory

For compensation of the surveyor general in Florida, and the clerks in his office

For compensation of the surveyor general in Wisconsin and Iowa, and the clerks in his office For compensation of the secretary to sign patents for public lands For compensation of the Commissioner of Public Buildings in Washington city, and the three assistants as draw-keepers at the Potomac bridge, including oil, firewood, and repairs, UNITED STATES MINT AND BRANCHES.

For compensation and mileage of the members of the Legislative Council of said Territory, pay of officers, stationery, fuel, printing, and all other incidental and miscellaneous objects, including the private secretary of the executive office

For compensation of the officers and workmen of the mint at Philadelphia, viz:

For the director

For the district judge of Rhode Isl

For the treasurer

and