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police officers and constables who were actually on foot, was swelled up into a most formidable insurrection, and, though it was well known to every one in London, that the rioters had no connection whatever with the Veeting in Spa-fields, every endeavour was made use of by the corrupt press so to connect the two, that every person of property should feel alarmed whenever a Meeting for Reform was about to take place.

possess a large sum of money, before he can take one single step towards the prosecution of them. And, they know that he has no money, while they are wallowing in wealth. Here, indeed, is a case which calls for the activity of the law-offi cers of the Crown; for, if a poor man's liberty and life are thus to be assailed with impunity, what safety is there for him?

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But, still, base and infamous as the conduct of these sons of Corruption must appear, it is not seen in its true colours, until the following curious facts (stated in Mr. HONE's account of the Riots, part 2d.) are known to the world. DYALL, as appears by this statement, long before Mr. HUNT came to town for the first Meeting in Spa-fields, was taken before GIFFORD, a Police Justice. After some talk with Dyall, Gifford got him to shew him the Petition, or Address, or whatever else it was called, which he (Dyall) and his asso

The people in the Country now know how false and malicious these representations were; but, the people in the Country are not yet fully acquainted with the infamy of the corrupt press upon this memorable occasion. As the matter now stands exposed, the exposure will do great good; but, still, justice has not yet been done to it. It is already known, that the first meeting in Spa-fields was called by an advertisement, signed by a person of the name of DYALL; that Mr. HUNT was invited and requested to at-ciates intended to bring forward at the tend that meeting; and that the meeting was conducted chiefly by him. It is already well known, that the words plot, conspiracy and insurrection, found in what were called Mr. PRESTON'S "confessions" were foisted in by the infamous press, and that Mr. PRESTON never uttered any such words. And is not this a species of wickedness committed by nobody in the world but by the men who conduct this corrupt press? Was it ever before known, that men could with impunity publish a false statement of the examination of a prisoner, brought before a Magistrate on a criminal charge affecting the life of the prisoner? Was it ever before known, that men could, with impunity, put into the mouth of such prisoner, words which amounted to a confession of his having been guilty of treason? What means of defence has Mr. PRESTON against the prejudices which these men have thus excited against him? What means has he of obtaining justice against them? He must

said first meeting. Dyall, who had no
idea of any thing wrong in what he was
doing, suffered Gifford to take a copy of
this curious document. "This to Lord
"Burleigh shall," Gifford seems to have
parodied; and, away he sent it to Lord
Sidmouth, the Secretary of State for the
Home Department! Thus, then, did this
very chief conspirator, Dyall, actually
put the government in possession of what
was meant to be moved upon the occasion!
The petition, though it must have been
harmless as to intention, dit nevertheless
contain some very gross absurdities,
some wild project, some of those whim-
sical projects and sentiments belonging to
the Spencean Plan:
vernment in full possession of all that, as
they must have thought, was going to take
place. But, up came Mr. HUNT and
spoiled the whole thing. When he came
to the Meeting and had the documeut of
Messrs. Dyall and Gifford presented to
him: "Oh, mo!" said he, "I will have

Thus was the go.

from your own prince-like mansion and
estate. This JACKSON has published a pa
per, price three half-pence, the object of
which is to defame me and to throw suspi
cion upon my motives. This paper is called
a Register and my name is placed in large
characters, at, or near, the head of it.
So that here merely in the typography of
the thing, is a proof that this Jackson
and his abettors and patrons saw no hope
of selling it, unless they could entice
purchasers by the lure of my name.
The manifest intention of the use of these
names was to make people believe, that
the work was written by me. Imposture,
however seldom succeeds in the end;
and that this Imposture, though well
enough contrived, has failed, the follow-
ing curious facts will prove. JACKSON,
the dirty tool at Romsey, has, it seems,
a brother in London; or, at any rate,
a person not ashamed to own that de-
gree of relationship with the Romsey
man, went, a few days ago, to Mr. HONE,
Bookseller, in the Old Bailey, London, and
offered him a parcel of the Romsey trash
for sale. After some conversation upon
the subject, Mr. HoNE declined the pur-
chase, giving it as his opinion, that the
thing would not sell in London.
discovered from this brother, who very
grossly calumniated me, that the Romsey
Fabrication would not sell in the Country;

he brought forward a set of Resolutions and a Petition framed by himself; and, of course, the document, the precious document, the "treasonable" document, as the Courier and Times called it, and which Gifford had so highly prized, was left to be a monument of the latter's sagacity and vigilance, but into the trammels of which Mr. HUNT'S good seuse and promptitude and straight-forward views prevented him from falling. But, now, mark, GEORGE, and, I hope, the people will mark it well. The COURIER, which is printed about the middle of the day, did, on the day of the meeting, state, that the meeting was at that moment going on, that the Petition had just been moved by Mr. HUNT, and that it was very seditions and treasonable, containing, amongst other things, a part which it then inserted. But, this part, was a part of Dyall's document, no part of which document was ever read at the Meeting from first to last! So that, it is clear, that, in the full tip-toe expectation, that Mr. HUNT would fall into the trammels of Dyall's document, that document had been given to the proprietor of the Courier before hand! Thus, was that son of corruption ready armed to pour out upon Mr. HUNT the charge of treasonable language, and thus did he send that charge forth amongst all the tax-eaters and all the timid fools all over the kingdom! How this darling son of Corruption came in posses-as, indeed, how should it, seeing that it is sion of Dyall's document; who it was that gave it to him; what was the purpose which it was intended to answer: of these I shall leave the public to form their own opinion, and I am not at all afraid, that, with these facts before them, the great body of the people will derive confidence in the cause of Reform from the fate of this vile attempt to make it a subject of

alarm.

From this odious picture of the more general efforts of Corruption's Press, I come to the particular instance of JACK

He

a tissue of misrepresentations and lies, consisting of garbled extracts from my early writings, and being, all together, a mass of incomprehensible nonsense, having nothing intelligible to plain honest people, and being, in short, a poor feeble effort at malice against a man whose writings are so clear to the understanding and so manifestly intended and tending to produce peace and happiness in the Coun try. Brother Jackson, not finding Mr. Hone willing to purchase at a penny each went on lowering his price, till he came

to about a half-penny, observing to Mr. | testation and contempt of that same peo

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ple. But, that the party, be he who he might, had plenty of money at command will appear clearly enough, if we observe, that the 400 sheets of paper did not cost less than sixteen or eighteen shillings, and that the printing could not have cost less than sixteen shillings more, to which if we add half a crown for carriage and a shilling for postage, here is a loss of one pound five shillings upon those 400 papers only; and, of course, the Romsey Jackson must be a person of rarely disin

Hone, that money was not so much the object as circulation. At last, though tendered at this low price, he was obliged to carry his trash away, four hundred of them in number, with a recommendation from Mr. HONE to carry them to the Trunk Makers ! Mr. HONE, however, upon reflection on the baseness of such a transaction, and thinking that justice towards the public required that I should have the means of exposing it, and especially reflecting on what Brother Jackson had said to him about those who were interested and most generous devotion to the back ground in this publication and about money being no object in the affair, went to, or sent for, Brother Jackson, bought his 400 papers for ten shillings and sixpence, which is a little more than one farthing each; and, of these 400 papers Mr. HONE has been so good as to make me a present, and I have them now Base as this trick is, there is one CHAPactually in my possession, together with PEL, a Bookseller, in Pall Mall, London, Brother Jackson's receipt, in the follow- who has been made the tool to play off a ing words: Received of Mr. HONE, still baser trick. This man is a downright “27. Dec. 1816, Half a Guinea for the Impostor, without any possible shuffle; for "Bundle of Romsey Register, sent to me he has advertised a thing, called, The for sale, 400 Copies." (signed) "DA-" Friend of the People, an entire NEW "NIEL JACKSON."

the cause of Corruption, or he must be
supplied with money from some quarter
other than his own purse.
Not knowing
the man, I cannot decide this question:
you, who are his near neighbour, possibly
may be able to form a better judgment
on the subject.

66

"Work, by William Cobbett." This is a Now, GEORGE, this man told Mr. heap of trash also, a mass of misrepresen. HONE who were the real authors of this tations and falsehoods, taking detached base and foolish performance; he told parts of my works, written many years him besides, that he need be in no fear of ago, garbling them, and disfiguring the any prosecution for publishing it; and he whole. But, what a proud thing for me, told him that he would be sure to be safe that the abettors of such men as this in publishing against me. But, GEORGE, CHAPPEL, with all their means, are unable I will not imitate the baseness of my and to get people even to look into their publithe people's enemies. I will repeat cations without cheating them into it by nothing against any one upon the words the use of my name, by making them of such men as the Jacksons; but, I will believe, that the thing is actually mine! say, that, according to Brother Jackson's What! have I beat them all to this destory, it proves, that I was correct, when gree? Can they, amongst all the pensioned I said, that it was impossible for LORD and sinecure authors, find no one who is PALMERSTONE to be guilty of an act so able to write any thing that the public will base, so cowardly, and so infamoùs. look at, without stealing my name to put Who it really was, who was thus guilty, at the head of their things? If this do not I will leave the people to guess, and will satisfy my desire of fame and victory, leave the guilty party to the hearty de-nothing can. This Imposture of CHAPPEL

Ass, who put on the Lion's Skin; and the trick answered very well 'till the Ass began to bray, or toote; but (and Chappel should remember it) the moment he opened his mouth, his noise betrayed him, and the people who had been imposed on by his outward appearance, cudgelled him soundly for his pains.

It has given me much satisfaction to perceive the great efforts which have been inade use of to injure my character; because, always knowing the charges against me to be either false or ridiculous, I have, of course, felt quite able, at all times to answer them, while the fact of their being made is a clear proof of the great effect which my writings are producing, and that is what I have principally in view. The press of Corruption, as if it acted under one common command, abstained from even alluding to me or my writings for more than six years. This was certainly wise; for, what was the use of showing hatred without being able to answer? Now, however, it has been unable to restrain itself. It has been so deeply stung, that it has cried out in spite of all its efforts to keep silence. Like a stubborn and hardened thief, under the lash of the beadle, it long bit its lips and writhed its limbs, seeming resolved not to cry out, but, at last, came a stripe in a tender part, and forth it bellowed its cries, mingled, thief-like, with lies and

curses.

That old acquaintance of the Treasury, WALTER, has left a son, who is proprietor of the Times news-paper, and who first bursted forth upon this occasion. Not with any attempt to answer me. Oh, no! But to defame me personally and to excite suspicions as to my motives. This never did yet, and never can, weigh a hair against fact and argument. Besides, I have, many times, exposed the falsehood of the charges, which this man has made against me. Nevertheless, as some of my present readers

it embraces some very interesting and very useful information relative to the press of this country, I will here make the exposure again, and, I choose to make it in an address to you, because I mean to state some facts of which you had a perfect knowledge, and to challenge you to contradict me if you can.

The charges, which this man brings against me are these: FIRST, that, when about to be brought up for judgment at the time when I was so severely punished for writing about the flogging of the English Local Militia-Men in the County of Cambridge, under the guard of German Troops, and for which writing I was sentenced to pass two years in a felon's jail, to pay a thousand pounds to THE KING, and when all this had been suffered, to be held to bail for SEVEN YEARS, in the amount of THREE THOUSAND POUNDS myself and ONE THOUSAND POUNDS each my two sureties; when this sentence was about to be passed, WALTER says that I made a proposition to the government to this effect; that, if the proceedings were dropped; that is to say, that, if I were not brought up for judgment, but suffered to remain unmo. lested, I never would publish another Register or any other thing. Now, GEORGE, suppose this to have been true. · Had I not a right to do this? Was there any thing dishonest or base in this? I was under no obligation to contiñue to write. The country had done nothing for me. I was in no way bound to sacrifice myself and family if I could avoid it. I was in the state of a soldier surrounded by an irresistible enemy; and, has a soldier so situated ever been ashamed to ask his life and to accept of it upon condition of not serving again during the war?

I might let the thing rest here. This answer would be complete, were I to allow the charge of WALTER to be true; but, the charge is basely false. No pro

position of any sort was ever made by me, or by my authority, to the government. The grounds of the charge were as follows: a few days before I was brought up for judgment, I went home to pass the remaining short space of personal freedom with my family. I had just begun farming, and also planting trees, with the hope of seeing them grow up as my children grew. I had a daughter fifteen years of age, whose birth-day was just then approaching, and, destined to be one of the happiest and one of the most unhappy of my life, on that day my dreadful sentence was passed. One son eleven years old, another nine years old, another six years old, another daughter five years old, another three years old, and another child nearly at hand. You and Perceval might have laughed at all this. It was your turn to laugh then; but, the public will easily believe, that, under the apprehensions of an absence of years, and the great chance of loss of health, if not of life, in a prison, produced nothing like laughter at Botley! It was at this crisis, no matter by what feelings actuated, I wrote to my Attorney, Mr. WHITE, in Essex Street, to make the proposition stated above. But, fits of fear and despair have never been of long duration in my family. The letter was hardly got to the post-office at Southampton before the courage of my wife and eldest daughter returned. Indignation and resentment took place of grief and alarm; and they cheerfully consented to my stopping the Letter. MR. PETER FINNERTY was at my house at the time; a post-chaise was got; and he came off to London, during the night, and prevented Mr. WHITE from acting on the Letter. I suffered my heavy punishment, but I have preserved my life, health, and the use of my pen, and, what I value still more, is, that all this family have also had uninterrupted health, are all strong in frame and sound in mind, and have imbibed an everlasting hatred against

those corruptions, which have finally brought their country into its present state of misery. Now, Mr. FINNERTY whom I have not had the pleasure to see for some years, is alive and in London. Mr. WHITE is also alive. The public will be sure, that I should not dare to have made the above statement if it had not been true to the very letter. And thus endeth the First Charge of Walter.

His SECOND Charge is that of inconsistency; that is to say, that I formerly held opinions, that I do not now hold; but, which former opinions were in direct opposition to those which I now hold and which I now promulgate so much to the sorrow and the annoyance of the corrupt. Now, GEORGE, what a foolish charge is this! What do we live for but to correct our errors; to grow wiser from experi ence; and to do better at last than at first? Besides, have not I been the first to state not only that I was in error, but to give the reasons for the change. God forbid, that I should rely upon your example as a justification of any part of my conduct; but, have not you, after having, for years, been a strenuous supporter of Friendly Societies, recently declared them to be mischievous, and that Saving Banks are the thing? Did you not oppose, with all your might, the Corn Bill, in 1814, and did you not support the same bill, or, at least, not oppose it, in 1815? But, has not the parliament passed scores of laws, and afterwards repealed them upon a change of opinion? However, I choose rather to take, as far as I can without profanity, the example of ST. PAUL, who was, at one time, not only not a Christian himself, but a persecutor of the Church of Christ, and who, notwithstanding this, became at last the greatest of all the Apostles, and, in fact, was, more than all other men put together, the cause of the triumph of that religion which he had once so eagerly persecuted. I have never heard any one accuse St. Paul

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