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authority of the states individually, to draw closer the general union, and to enlarge the authority by which the whole was governed and holden together. Even now, perhaps, it was one of the principal defects in the constitution of the American States that the power of each was too extensive, and that of the general legislature and government too weak for the public interest and security. The want of a general government, to direct the efforts and employ the resources of the whole confederacy, had contributed to the ruin of Switzerland. Had that country possessed a government capable of employing and directing its united strength, it might have opposed an effectual resistance to the violence and injustice of its perfidious enemy.

Considering the supposed bond of connexions between Great Britain and Ireland, his lordship did not hesitate to say, that it was absolutely null. If by the constitution the royal power could soar above the control of parliament, the royal identity might operate as a medium of connexion; but if the parliament could check that power, and the crown required the aid of the legislature, even for ordinary occasions of government, the connexion was nugatory while each realm had a distinct parliament.

The noble secretary proceeded to treat in detail of the chief branches of the royal prerogative, with a view of illustrating the manner in which they were or might be exercised in the two kingdoms. He argued distinctly upon the exercise of the ecclesiastical, military, fiscal, and political prerogatives of the crown, and plainly shewed how it might be checked and perverted from the constitutional ends of vesting them in the executive, by the possible (and as had actually happened in the case of the regency) discordance of independent parliaments. In the present state of conpexion, he contended, that the crown itself might give rise to a contest. The title to the crown was created by par

liament, which was at all times competent to alter it. On what foundation then did the succession rest? It was regulated by the act of annexation: the Irish parliament was independent, and might vary the tenure as well as that of Great Britain. Hence it was necessary for the general interests of the empire, that some measures should be taken for strengthening this connexion, In the adjustment of a scheme of this nature the local interests of Ireland claimed particular attention; and indeed the proposed plan would consolidate and extend those interests. The evils of that kingdom obviously called for a speedy remedy. The present government unfortunately had not grown up with the habits of the people. The English connexion was begun among them by the worst of all conquests, one that was incomplete and partial. At different times the invaders made occasional progress, and renewed hostilities kept alive the flame of animosity.

His lordship then went into an historical disquisition of the progress of that country to civilization and its present state. The good consequence of Union would quickly appear in the progress of civilization, the prevalence of order, the increase of industry and wealth, and the improvement of moral habits. The Hibernian protestants would feel themselves secure under the protection of a protestant imperial parliament; the anxiety of the catholics would be allayed by the hope of a more candid examination of their claims from a parliament not influenced by the prejudices of a local legislature. A free admission of the catholics into the Irish parliament might lead to a subversion of the constitution; but all fear of their preponderancy would vanish under a general legislature, as they then would be far numbered by the protestants, The animosities of these rival parties would be allayed, and a tranquillity which Ireland had rarely enjoyed would be the pleasing result. He then touched upon the real point in dispute. It was ab

surd to suppose, that the independance of Ireland would be sacrificed in the event of an Union. It would still remain, and even derive fresh vigour from being consolidated with the proudest and most solid independance that ever was enjoyed. Before the Union which took place in 1707, England and Scotland were, in fact, less independant than when they afterwards composed the kingdom of Great Britain. By this Union each kingdom had become more independant of foreign nations, and more independant, if he could so speak, of human events; each had become more powerful, and had increased in prosperity. In like manner, if this legislative Union should take place, no individual would suffer in dignity, rank, or condition; but, in a national view, all would receive an addition. When the Union with Scotland was in agitation, loud clamours arose against it; but time had shewn that they were ill-founded. It was promotive of the general interests of the empire to consult the interests of every component part of it; and, as this had proved true with regard to Scotland, in consequence of an Union with that country, so he was persuaded a similar measure would operate with respect to Ireland. Nothing could be adduced as a more powerful motive to Union than that both countries were assailed by a common enemy, whose aim was to destroy Great Britain by making Ireland the medium of that mischief. Before the Union with Scotland, it was the chief aim of the French to render that country subservient to their insidious designs. At present the chief hope of resistance to the tyrannical power of France seemed to rest on Great Britain; and Ireland, in her weak and disordered state, could look to this country alone for support. Her independance was essentially involved in her connexion with Britain; and if she should shake off that tie, she would fall under the French yoke,

No. IX.

The Articles of Union....

Resolved, 1. That in order to promote and secure the essential interests of Great Britain and Ireland, and consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the British empire, it will be advisable to concur in such measures as may best tend to unite the two kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland into one kingdom, in such manner, and on such terms and conditions, as may be established by the acts of the respective parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland.

Resolved, 2. That for the purpose of establishing a Union, upon the basis stated in the resolution of the two houses of parliament of Great Britain, communicated by his Majesty's command in the message sent to this house by his excellency the lord lieutenant, it would be fit to propose, as the first article of Union, that the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland shall, upon the first day of January, which shall be in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and one, and for ever after, be united in one kingdom, by the name of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland; and that the royal stile and titles appertaining to the imperial crown of the said united kingdom, and its dependencies, and also the ensigns, armorial flags and banhers thereof, shall be such as his Majesty, by his royal proclamation, under the seal of the united kingdom, shall be pleased to appoint.

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Resolved, 3. That for the same purpose, it would be fit to propose, that the successsion of the imperial crown of the said united kingdom, and of the dominions thereunto belonging, shall continue limited and settled in the same manner, as the succession to the imperial crowns of the said kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland now stands limited

pound interest, in case of contribution in time of war. Provided the surplus so to accumulate, shall at no future period be suffered to exceed the sum of five millions.

Resolved, 8. That all monies hereafter to be raised by loan, in peace or war, for the service of the united kingdom, by the parliament thereof, shall be considered to be a joint debt, and the charges thereof shall be borne by the respective countries in the proportions of their respective contributions. Provided, that if at any time in raising the respective contributions, hereby fixed for each kingdom, the parliament of the united kingdom shall judge it fit to raise a greater proportion of such respective contributions in one kingdom within the year, than in the other, or to set apart a greater proportion of sinking fund for the liquidation of the whole, or any part of the loan, raised on account of the one country, than that raised on account of the other country, then such part of the said loan, for the liquidation of which different provisions have been made for the respective countries, shall be kept distinct, and shall be borne by each separately, and only that part of the said loan be deemed joint and common, for the reduction of which, the respective countries shall have made provision in the proportion of their respective contributions.

Resolved, 9. That if at any future day, the separate debt 'of each kingdom respectively shall have been liquidated, or the values of their respective debts (estimated according to the amount of the interest and annuities attending the same, of the sinking fund, applicable to the reduction thereof, and the period within which the whole capital of such debt shall appear to be redeemable by such sinking fund) shall be to each other, in the same proportion with the respective contributions of each kingdom respectively, or where the amount by which the value of the larger of such debts shall vary from such proportion, shall not exceed one hundredth part of the said value; and if it shall appear to the united

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