catholick monarchy. Our foundation must be mutation, and mutation will cause a relaxation, which will serve as so many violent diseases, to the speedy destruction of our perpetual and insufferable anguish of body. The arminians and projectors affect mutation: This we second, and inforce by probable arguments. In the first place, we take into consideration the King's honour, and present necessity; and we shew how the King may free himself of his ward, as Lewis the Eleventh did. As for his great splendour and lustre he may raise a vast revenue, and not be beholden to his subjects, which is by way of imposition of excise. Then our church catholicks proceed to shew the means how to settle this excise, which must be by a mercenary army of horse and foot, For the horse we have made that sure; they shall be foreigners and Germans, who will eat up the King's revenues, and spoil the country, though they should be well paid. In forming the excise, the country is most likely to rise; if the mercenary army subjugate the country, then the soldiers and projectors shall be paid out of the confiscations; if the country be too hard for the soldiers, then they must consequently I mutiny, which is equally advantageous to us; our superlative design is, to work the protestants as well as the Roman catholicks to welcome in a conqueror.

All this is confirmed by the testimony of the Earl of Clarendon : The papists, says that illustrious historian, who had for many years enjoyed a great calm, grew unthrifty managers of their prosperity; They appeared more publickly; entertained and forced conference more avowedly, than had been known before. They were known not only secret authors, but open promoters of the most grievous projects. The priests had forgot their former modesty and fear, and were as willing to be known, as listened to: Insomuch as a jesuit at Paris, designing for England, had the impudence to visit the ambassador there, and offering his service, acquainted him with his intended journey, as if there had been no laws for his reception. And, shamefully to countenance the whole party, an agent from Rome resided at London in great state, They had publickly collected money to a considerable sum, to be by the Queen presented, as a free gift from his catholick subjects to the King, towards carrying on the war against the Scots, which drew upon them the rage of that nation. In a word, they behaved themselves so, as if they had been suborned by the Scots, to destroy their own religion.'

Let us now listen to a foreign historian, who has published his revolutions of England, with the particular approbation of the late King James, and who, being a jesuit, cannot be suspected of partiality to the protestants. The Scots, says he, finding themselves so strongly supported, had no sooner received an answer from the court, than there arose a thousand confused voices, crying out that all was lost; that the King, not contented with having taken away from the two nations both their liberties and goods, designed to lay a yoke on. their consciences, and make an absolute change in religion. These complaints had not moved the generality of people, nor rendered the government sufficiently odious, according to the wishes of the discon

History of the Rebellion, part I. book II.

+Father D'Orleans, his Revolutions of Eng land. Vol. III. pag. 29

tented, had it not been insinuated besides, that the King made great advances to popery, and resolved to make his subjects embrace it Nothing was more false than this report. Charles was a protestant by inclination, and never loved the Roman catholicks; but that very repor. tho' false, had such appearances of truth, as made it easily believed. We must do the Queen the justice to say, that she had, during all her life, a true zeal for the restoration of the catholick faith in England, and for the honour of the King her husband: but it cannot be denied, that sometimes she practised that zeal with somewhat more imperiousness, than the time allowed. Acted by that spirit, which results from the blood of those absolute monarchs, of whom their subjects require no other reason for their commands, than their will, she did not sufficiently consider, that she reigned in a country, where the most solid reasons are not always able to make the people follow the opinion of those who govern them. So limited an authority, and which must be managed with art, was looked on by the Queen as a slavery, from which she used all her endeavours to free the King her husband and herself. Therefore, without much regarding the nicety of the nation, she had constantly near her a nuncio from the pope, of whose character and functions none at court were ignorant. She entertained an open correspondence with the popish lords; she loudly, and sometimes roughly, made herself a party in any thing wherein the Roman church was concerned; and having with her a great number of ecclesiasticks, who had been restored to her by the peace, and who, some of them, had more piety than prudence, she had frequent disputes with the most zealous protestants, wherein the King, who loved her tenderly, indulged her humour, and even took her part, when she desired it of him. This conduct of Charles, in relation to his Queen, had already made him suspected of not being too good a protestant, whatever he did to appear such, when the zeal he shewed for the undertaking of Archbishop Laud, viz. the introducing the English liturgy in Scotland, increasing that suspicion, gave occasion to his enemies to publish, that he was a Roman catholick, and that, in concert with that prelate, he made it his business to reconcile England to the see of Rome. The conduct of Laud was such as made these suspicions probable: for tho' every body agrees now, that, like the King his master, he was a zealous stickler for the protestant sect, yet there was then reason not to think so of him, by the fondness that prelate had for ceremonies; by the advice he gave to young students, to read the fathers, rather than the protestant divines; by his denial to admit the decisions of the synod of Dort; and much more than all this, by the conduct of the Earl of Strafford,lord-ljeutenant offreland,his intimate friend, and confident of all his designs. That prelate had procured him the government of Ireland, in hopes he should second his projects; and that Lord wisely foreseeing that Laud would raise all the presbyterians against the King, raised an army in that island, to maintain the royal authority; and though he was a protestant, as well as his master and friend, he had done the Roman cathclicks the honour to believe them better affected to their prince, than the rest: and therefore had composed his army of them.'

What the jesuit advances concerning Archbishop Laud, may be further illustrated by what Dr. Welwood says of that prelate, That scarce any age has produced a man, whose actions and conduct have been more obnoxious to obloquy, or given greater occasion for it. There was, adds the doctor, one thread that run through his whole accusation, and upon which most of the articles of his impeachment turned; And that was, his inclination to popery, and his design to introduce the Romish religion: of which his immortal book against Fisher, and his declaration at his death, do sufficiently acquit him. And yet not protestants only, but even Roman Catholicks themselves were led into this mistake; otherwise they would not have dared to offer one in his post a cardinal's cap, as he confesses in his diary they did twice. The introduction of a great many pompous ceremonies into the church; the licensing some books that spoke favourably of the church of Rome, and the refusing to license others that were writ against it, were the principal causes of his being thus misrepresented. And, indeed, his behaviour in some of these matters, as likewise in the star-chamber, and highcommission-court, can hardly be accounted for, and particularly his theatrical manner of consecrating Catharine Creed church, in London; which is related at length by Mr. Rushworth, in the second part of his Historical Collections, vol. I. p. 72.

เ

By all these it plainly appears, that the doubts and fears of popery were not groundless, and, according to Dr. Kennet's assertion, That they lost an orthodox and most regular prince the hearts of too many of his people; and almost robbed him of the next valuable blessing, his good-name. For, upon his tender compliance with his intirely beloved royal consort, his enemies took advantage to misrepresent him for a papist; though this was a calumny false and malicious.'

In the third place, † Dr. Kennet mentions the jealousies, the thoughts and dread of oppression and illegal power, among the leading causes of the King's murder: for, as he wisely remarks, Tyranny and oppression seem in their nature made to hate, and, yet to help forward one another. And former princes did rarely infringe the charter of publick Jiberties, without hurting themselves, and leaving a wound upon monarchy itself. For the least attempts towards slavery and exorbitant power raised up the appearance of a yoke, that our forefathers were not able to bear, and we are their offspring. Doctor Kennet is far from thinking, that King Charles ever proposed to injure the birth-right of his subjects. But, adds he, how happy had it been for the peace of that reign, if even doubts and suspicions had been wanting, if the body of a good-natured English people had but thought themselves secure in their legal rights and tenures, for then they could never have been seduced into that unnatural rebellion. They must of necessity first believe, that their liberties and estates were in some danger, and, under that prospect and persuasion, they must have been drawn in, for the meaning, at least, of self-preservation. How happy, if no tonnage or customs had been exacted, without a bill to be easily obtained for them! If no awing into loans and benevolence, if no projecting extraordinary supplies, + See his Sermon, p. 15. & seq.

Welwood's Memoirs, p. 61.

without the readier aid of parliament; and especially if no levying of ship-money to the surprise and burthen of the people, who never had a notion of taxes, but as of money, given by their own consent! These hardships (to call them by that name only) did serve to exasperate the minds of the people, and did prepare them by degrees to be led out first in riots and tumults, and then in troops and armies, against their lawful sovereign. And though it is certain, that the King himself did not hastily contrive or command any of those hard measures; but he had his ministers to propose them, and his very judges to approve them; yet, good prince, he answered for the account, and at the foot of it, with invincible patience, paid down his royalty and his life.'

*

In all this the reverend divine speaks with the most faithful and impartial historians. In this perplexed difficulty, says one of these: At length his council agreed to set that great engine his prerogative on work: many projects were hammered on that forge, but that, which the council stuck closest to, was the issuing of a commission, dated the thirteenth of October 1626, for raising of almost two-hundred thousand pounds by way of loan; and, the more to expedite this levy, the commissioners were instructed to represent to the subjects the deplorable estate of Rochelle. These were plausible insinuations: but all would not smooth the asperity of this illegal tax; Rochelle and all other foreign considerations must stand by, when inbred liberty is disputed; so that the almost moiety of the kingdom opposed it to durance. Upon this account of refusal, prisoners, some of the nobility, and most of the prime gentry, were daily brought in by scores; I might almost say by counties, so that the council-table had almost as much work to provide prisons, as to supply the King's necessities.' "The assessment of the general loan, says † Mr. Rushworth, did not pass currently with the people; for some persons absolutely refused to subscribe their names, or to say, they were willing to lend, if able. Whereupon the council directed their warrant to the commissioners of the navy, to impress those men to serve in the ships ready to go out in his Majesty's service.The non-subscribers of high rank and right, in all the counties, were bound over by recognisance, to tender their appearance, at the counciltable, and performed the same accordingly, and divers of them were committed to prison; but the common sort to appear in the military yard near St. Martin's in the Fields; before the Lieutenant of the Tower of London, by him to be there enrolled among the companies of soldiers; that they, who refused to assist with their purses, should serve in their persons." Among the rest . Sir Peter Hayman, refusing to part with loan-money, was called before the lords of the council, and commanded to go into his Majesty's service into the Palatinate.

Among other means of raising money, says Dr. Welwood ||, that of loan was fallen upon; which met with great difficulties, and was generally taken to be illegal. One Sibthorp, an obscure person, in a sermon preached at the assizes at Northampton, would make his court by asserting not only the lawfulness of this way of imposing money by loan,

H. L'Estrance's Reign of King Charles, p. 63, 64.. + Historical Collections, p. 1, Vol. I, P.422. Id. pag. 431. Welwood's Memoirs, p. 41.

but that it was the indispensible duty of the subject to comply with it. At the same time Dr. Manwaring, another divine, preached two sermons before the King at Whitehall, in which he advanced these doctrines, viz. "That the King is not bound to observe the laws of the realm, concerning the subjects rights and liberties; but that his royal word and command, in imposing loans and taxes without consent of parliament, does oblige the subject's conscience, upon pain of eternal damnation. That those, who refused to pay this loan, did offend against the law of God, and became guilty of impiety, disloyalty, and rebellion. And that the authority of parliaments is not necessary for raising of aids and subsidies"

Every body knew that Abbot was averse to such doctrines: and, to seek an advantage against him, Sibthorp's sermon, with a dedication to the King, was sent him by order of his Majesty to license. Abbot refused, and gave his reasons in writing; which Bishop Laud answered, and with his own hand licensed both Sibthorp's and Manwaring's sermons. Upon this Archbishop Abbot was confined to his country house, and suspended from his function; the administration of which was committed to Bishop Laud, and some others of his recommendation.'

How happy had it been for King Charles, if, in his time, instead of such divines as Sibthorp and Manwaring, none had ascended the pulpits, but men of the principles of Dr. Kennet, who has a right notion of our English constitution; which, if carefully preserved, holds out in the most regular health and safety; but, if once put out of order, it is hard to set right again!'

*

Let us now attend how the Earl of Clarendon relates the grievances and oppression of this reign: The proclamation, says he, issued out at the dissolution of the second parliament, afflicted many good men so far, that it laid their ears open to the insinuations of those who made it their business to infuse an ill opinion into men, that by it the King declared, he really intended we should have no more parliaments; and, the danger of such an inquisition being by this notion removed, ill men were not only encouraged to all license, but even those who had no propensity to ill, imagining themselves above the reach of ordinary justice, learned by degrees to look on that as no fault, which was like to find no punishment. Provisional acts of state were formed to supply defect of laws; so tonnage and poundage, which had absolutely been refused to be settled by parliament, were collected upon merchandise by order of the council-board; antiquated laws were revived, and with rigour executed; The law of knighthood, which, tho' founded in right, was in the method of its execution very grievous; the laws of the forest, by virtue of which, not only great fines were imposed, but yearly rents designed, and like to have been settled by contract; and lastly, for an everlasting supply upon all occasions, a writ directed in form of law to the sheriff of every county in England, to send a ship amply provided for the King's service; and with an instruction, that, instead of a ship, such a sum of money should be levied upon each county; with direc tions, how those that were refractory should be proceeded against, from