that is, the histories are too short, and imperfect; to which I have only this to answer,

Ars longa, vita brevis,

A perfect natural history of the least thing in the world, cannot be the work of one man, or scarce of one age; for it requires the heads, hands, studies, and observations of many, well compared and digested together; therefore this is rather an essay, or topick, for men to reason upon, when they meet together in publick-houses, and to encourage them to follow the example of Adam, who, in the state of innocence, did contemplate of all the creatures that were round about him in Paradise, but after the fall, and the building of a city, the philosopher turned politician.

POSTCRIPT,

LIQUORS and drinks are of such general use and esteem, in all the habitable parts of the world, that a word or two concerning them cannot be improper or unwelcome.

First, the saps and juices of trees will afford many pleasant and useful liquors. The Africans and Indians prepare their famous palm-wine (which they call sura or toddy) out of the sap of the wounded palm tree, as we do our birch-wine in England, out of the tears of the pierced birch-tree, which is celebrated in the stone and scurvy. So the syca more and walnut, being wounded, will weep out their juices, which may be fermented into liquors. In the Molucca's, the inhabitants extract a wine out of a tree called laudan.

Fruits and berries yield many noble and necessary liquors. Every nation abounds with various drinks by the diversity of their fruits and vegetables. England with cyder, perry, cherry, currant, gooseberry, raspberry, mulberry, blackberry, and strawberry wine. France, Spain, Italy, Hungary, and Germany, produce great varieties of wines from the different species and natures of their grapes and soils. In Jamaica and Brasil they make a very delicious wine out of a fruit called ananas, which is like a pine-apple, pot inferior to Malvasia wine. The Chinese make curious drinks out of their fruits; so do the Brasilians and Southern Americans; as from their cocoa, acajou, pacobi, uuni, or murtilla's. We may note here, that all the juices of herbs, fruits, seeds, and roots will work and ferment themselves into intoxicating liquors, out of which spirits and brandies may be extracted. Most nations under the sun have their drunken liquors and compounds; the Turk his maslack, the Persians their bangue, the Indians their fulo, rum, arack, and punch. The Arabians, Turks, Chinese, Tartars, and other eastern countries do make inebriating liquors out of their corn and rice; some, rather than not be drunk, will swallow opium, dutroy, and tobacco, or some other intoxicating thing, so great an inclination has mankind to be exalted. Pliny complains, that drunkenness was the study of his time, and that the Romans and Parthians

contended for the glory of excessive wine drinking. Historians tell us of one Novellius Torquatus, who went through all the honourable degrees of dignity in Rome, wherein the greatest glory and honour, he obtained, was for the drinking, in the presence of Tiberius, three gallons of wine at one draught, before ever he drew his breath, and without being any ways concerned. Athenæus says, that Melanthius wished his own neck as long as a crane's, that he might be the longer a tasting the pleasure of drinks; yet, what he reports of Lasyrtes is wonderful, that he never drank any thing, tho', notwithstanding, he urined as others do. The same famous author takes notice, that the great drinkers used to eat coleworts, to prevent drunkenness; neither are some men of our days much inferior to those celebrated antients. The Germans commonly drink whole tankards, and ell-glasses, at a draught, adoring him that drinks fairly and most, and hating him that will not pledge them. The Dutchmen will salute their guests with a pail and a dish, making hogsheads of their bellies. The Polander thinks him the bravest fellow that drinks most healths, and carries his liquor best, being of opinion, that there is as much valour in drinking as fighting. The Russians, Swedes, and Danes have so naturalised brandy, aqua vitæ, beer, mum, &c. that they usually drink our Englishmen to death, so that the most ingenious author of the Vinetum Britannicum concludes, that temperance (relatively speaking) is the cardinal virtue of the English.

It is very wonderful what Mr. Ligon and other American travellers relate of the cassava-root, how out of it the Americans do generally make their bread, and common drink, called parranow; yet that root is known to be a great poison, if taken raw; their drink, called mobby, is made of potatoes. But we will conclude all with Virgil, who, speaking of the many liquors in his time, says,

Sed

neque quam multæ species, nec nomina quæ sunt, Est numerus.

A DESCENT FROM FRANCE:

OR,

The French Invasion of England, considered and discoursed.

[From half a sheet, folio, printed at London, 1692.]

THAT

HAT there is, or at least has been, an intended invasion from France, headed by King James, is too apparent; and that the greatest encouragement to such an undertaking must be the expected,

if not promised succours ready to join him upon the descent, is as plainly evident. Now that there can be such a party of Englishmen, and those professing themselves protestants too (for the Romanists are no part of our wonder,) whose reason and sense can be so lost and depraved, as to conspire with such a design, is not a little stupendious.

The business of this paper, therefore, is to examine, what consequences they can expect, from the success of such an invasion; and what patriots they shall make themselves, in assisting the return of King James?

In the first place, do they flatter themselves, because, forsooth, the greatest part of our invaders, for the more plausible pretext, a e composed of English, Scotch, and Irish, natives and subjects to the crown of England, that therefore King James's service (so poor a mask) is all the business of this expedition? Have we forgot since so lately, in Ireland, the French King could hardly hold the vizor on till the conquest of that kingdom, where the very Irish themselves began to be jealous (and with too much cause) of their pretended friends, but intended lords, the French? And that no Anguis in Herbá, no French reserve, lies at the bottom of this invasion.

Secondly, Do they think this succour to King James, though in so important a service as resettling him upon his throne, can deserve any grateful return; and upon that encouragement they found the safety of their religion and liberties, in any promises of security from that obligation? Alas! is it so late since woful experience convinced them, that acknowledgment or gratitude are no part of a popish King's principle; witness the unkind return he made to that very church of England, that, more than once, were so exemplarily zealous for securing the crown upon his head, in their strenuous opposition against both the Bill of Exclusion, and Monmouth's Insurrection: And if both those deserving services, those accumulated obligations, were such feeble cobweb-lawn; shall any thing, done in his service now, make a stronger tie upon him? No, quite to the contrary. For example, the church of England had then twice obliged him, and never once offended him. Besides, there was not only a coronation oath, but his first voluntary declaration, at his assumption of the government, one would reasonably think enough to bind him to performance. But how little all those bonds signify, when the cancelling hand of Rome came into play; we have but too much reason to remember. And if all those ties, I say, could not hold then; what can we hope for, when there neither is, nor can be any tie at all to hold him now? For example, suppose the blind and mistaken frenzy of some of our protestant zealots (if that name can be proper for them) could remount him to his throne; what shall they deserve for it, any more than the title of unprofitable servants? Their turning him out from the throne, together with the remembrance of the dear Irish blood shed by them, and the rest of our faults, are such capital transgressions, that the restoring him into it again will not be half our expiation. And supposing he publishes the most mollifying declaration upon his landing, that all the eloquence of Rome can put together; shall that oblige him? No, so far from it, that it neither is, nor can

cany more than a scroll of waste paper. For supposing the contents of it should run in these flattering insinuations, viz. What wonderous clemency he would shew us upon our return to our allegiance, and with what moderation he would reign over us, upon our re-admitting of him to his throne, with all the most solemn protestations, and what not. Now as it is unlikely, that King James should ever return without opposition, and undoubtedly a very strenuous one; it being impossible we should be all drawn in, with the specious bait of sweet words, and fair promises; and consequently, he must have a blow for it. Supposing, nevertheless, I say, his party so strong, and his success so great, as to recover his kingdoms: Upon such a recovery, whatever he promises, in his declaration, is, from that moment, null and void. For the consideration is not performed, and consequently, the obligation cancelled. For instance, he comes not in by our submission, and return to our allegiance, but by force and conquest. And as such, not only his declarations, but his very coronation-oath, without the stretch of a mental reservation, are all actually absolved. And if law, nor oaths, service, nor fidelity, as above-mentioned, were able to keep his Romish zeal in any bounds or limits before; what shall the loosening of them all expect now? And consequently what driving Jehu must we look for, when that black day comes (which heaven of its mercy keep far from us.) And whatever private gratuities or favours some particular eminent protestants hands may possibly receive for their signal services in this revolution, nothing of sense, but must conclude us the miserablest nation and people in the world.

Besides, could we look for miracles, and expect a reign of clemency from him, our religion and civil rights secured, what a crew of Irish dear-joys, that come over with him, are here to be rewarded, all preferment and honours, nay, the fat of the land to be cantoned oút amongst them. And consequently the power in these confiding hands, the whole nobility, gentry, and commonalty of England must live under the check and awe of tories and rapparees, and submit to all the insults of miscreants and vagrants; and well we compound so cheap.

Nay, though some people fancy we shall at least enjoy this blessing of being eased from taxes by his return; it is so much a mistake, that, in the other extream, that very shadow vanishes too. For what must this expedition cost the French King, and what must all his Irish arrears, and other infinite unaccountable sums, amount to, which must all lie upon this ruined nation to satisfy, with a very courteous compliment into the bargain, if the French King will graciously and mercifully please to demand no more. Nay, perhaps, the whole charge of his several years naval preparation; (for had King James continued on his throne, most of all that expence had been saved) must lie at our door, a score too terrible, even to think of; and, take it altogether, a very grateful payment out of the protestant pockets, to so prodigious a champion of the protestant religion, as King Lewis.

But for once (though contrary to common sense) granting we should allow all in his favour, that the most zealous Jacobite can pretend, viz. That King James, upon his return to the throne, shall to a tittle perform every particular article in his very declaration, as plausible soever as

it may be penned, viz. We will suppose, that the French King shall disclaim, directly or indirectly, all pretensions whatever to England; that the restoration of his friend King James is his only part and design in this expedition; and King James, on the other side, shall abjure all manner of violation to the laws, shall support the protestant religion, and (making a sea-mark of his former wreck) shall peaceably keep up to the full observance of so generous a profession; granting all this, I say, and whatever other imaginary security, his dreaming party can form to themselves; nevertheless, in the fairest face, let us observe the dismal and tremendous effects of his restoration. It is known to the whole world to what the French ambition tends, viz. universal monarchy. And it is as notoriously famous, what desolations and ravages the arms of France have made, and how formidable that successful destroyer is, even to the whole united powers of Europe. And as his present Majesty King William is, possibly (without vanity) the leading champion of the whole confederacy, and all little enough to make head against France; upon King James's return to the throne, here is not only so potent an arm as the alliance of Britain lopped off from the confederacy, but added to the strength of France. For though, in his reign before, he only stood neuter, with little, or no other assistance, to his idolised grand Lewis, than his heartiest vows and prayers for the success and prosperity of that incroaching enslaver of mankind. Yet now he will lie under a more pressing obligation; and the least return even of common gratitude, for his remounting him on his throne, will be to list under that tyrant's standard, and joining the arms of England, to the finishing and crowning the whole designs of that universal aspirer. And as the whole confederacy, already, is little enough to match him; upon this revolution in England, it is impossible to expect less than that the whole cause of Christendom must sink, and all Europe truckle beneath him. And whilst the English hands bear so great a part in this fatal turn (to give it no harder name) what is it but a making ourselves the monsters of mankind, the inevitable instruments and tools to that grand cut-throat of Christendom? And what has some little palliation on his side, aș having the pretence of renown and honour, in the quest of laurels and enlargement of empire, &c. will on our part amount only to butchery and desolation, for meer butchery and desolation's sake. The glory, if any, will be Lewis's, and the infamy England's. Infamy indeed (if we meet with no worse reward) when we consider what a barbarous part we must act in the yoking, and shackling of Europe. But suppose it ends there, and that will be the only brand in the English escutcheon; and that Lewis, in his grasp of universal Empire, shall exclude England from any part of his feudatories, and tributaries, viz. he shall make golden promises to King James, and once in his life (his first virtue of that kind) keep faith, and no worse follow (a very unlikely flattery) yet what an eternal shame to the old English honour, the sleeping dust of our Third Edward, and Fifth Henry, and indeed the whole British chronicles, is our portion, in aggrandising of France, to that prodigious bulk and growth, and dwindling ourselves to that diminutive and despicable state and condition, as are, and must be, the unavoidable consequences of King James's restoration.

VOL. XII.