preaching; and, certainly, he never appeared to act upon interested motives. He was not, moreover, a man disposed to become the instrument of the avarice and resentment of his order. It is, besides, false that the Augustins possessed the office of preaching indulgences in Saxony. The Dominicans had exercised that employment there since the year 1507; and Tetzel in two days had raised two thousand florins from the inhabitants of Fridburg, without the Augustins having manifested any desire for them, or having pretended that this booty belonged of right to their order.' It has also been often stated that Luther, in the very earliest stages of his proceedings, was encouraged in his career by the Elector of Saxony. The contrary is clearly proved in these pages; viz. that he acted wholly from his own impulses, and at his own risk, without the knowlege of his prince; and that he even perpetrated the act which irrevocably embroiled him with Rome, namely the public burning, at Wittemburgh, of the Decretals, and the Pope's bull condemning his doctrines, before Frederic countenanced his designs.-The reader will here find an extremely neat and satisfactory sketch of Luther's history and character, prior to his having engaged in the controversy respecting indulgences; it is the delineation of him while he was a private individual. The proceedings of the diet of Augsbourg, as they respect our great reformer, are stated with superior clearness and accuracy. There is nothing more admirable in this work than the inviolable regard to truth which pervades it: the proceedings of the illustrious reformer are placed in open day; if, in a few instances, they shew him to have been inconsistent, the fact is not denied; and considerations are laid before the reader, which, we think, are abundantly exculpatory.-As nice touches and imperceptible lines distinguish the performances of a master from the productions of an ordinary artist, so, in history, real genius often lays hold of slight circumstances, which the vulgar narrator overlooks, but which speak volumes, which bring past scenes before our eyes, and exhibit its occurrences to the very life; and with a few of these, which we have endeavoured to glean, we shall occupy the remainder of the present article. We would first observe that, in perusing this history, we are much struck by the facility with which, according to all appearance, the court of Rome might have put an end to Luther's disputes; and the idea is confirmed by an account which the author gives of the conduct of the Roman see in a preceding similar case: Alexander VI. had not been equally rigorous in a dispute nearly similar. Innocent VIII. had granted indulgences in Saxony, S 2 and and the Dominicans had opposed them both in their sermons and public disputes. The abuses were, without comparison, of less magnitude than those which Luther censured; yet the court of Rome appointed nevertheless commissaries in Germany; and, after proceedings for four or five years, contented itself with imposing silence on the Dominicans without requiring recantation. court would have practised the same moderation in the affair of Luther; but the violence of his adversaries would not permit it.' This Within two years after Luther's first opposition to indulgences, Miltitz, a papal nuncio, came into Germany, in order to require that Luther should be conveyed to Rome: On setting out from Rome, Leo had charged him with seventy briefs. He had some for the Elector, for Pfeffinger, for Spalatinus, for the commandant, and for the magistrates of Wittemberg. The rest were to be posted up in the cities through which the nuncio should pass on his return, in order to assure his conquest and his journey. But as soon as he had set foot in the empire, he saw clearly that all the briefs would be useless; and he himself asserted, that although the court of Saxony had delivered up Luther to him, he would have needed more than twenty-five thousand men to bring him to the pope.' This anecdote shews the deep root which Luther's cause had already taken.-On the death of Maximilian, which happened early in 1519, The elector of Saxony had the vicarship of the empire in the circles of Upper and Lower Saxony, and in some other provinces where his jurisdiction extended during the interregnum. At this time those who entertained an esteem for Luther began to declare themselves. They found in Frederick the authority necessary to protect them, and an example which the wisest gloried in following. Every person, besides, entertained so high an opinion of the wisdom and integrity of this prince, that no one could imagine he would protect a seditious and heretical monk. Thus the reputation of Frederick giving a new weight to his authority, and the writings of Luther spreading far and wide, it is scarcely to be believed how many disciples he acquired, and with what readiness. His courage was admired; his doctrine was approved; an acquaintance with the author was sought. People came from all parts to Wittemberg; and the inhabitants of the suburbs were to be heard giving thanks to God, with clasped hands, and eyes raised to heaven, that Wittemberg was become a second Sion, whence the light of the gospel was diffusing itself through the whole world.' We farther learn that, In the mean time, Luther found his courage raised by the uni versal approbation which the learned and good bestowed on him. His writings flew from Germany to France, to Italy, to England, to Hungary, to Poland. Thirsting after the gospel, and rejecting monkish fables and the doctrines of men, the public eagerly perused perused works, in which they found good sense and the spirit of the gospel.' The celebrated painter, Froben, gave him advice of his success, and acquainted him that it was publicly said at Paris, that it had long been wished that those who treated on sacred subjects, should do it with the freedom and solidity which were found in his writings; that in Italy itself many epigrams had appeared in his praise, and that the cardinal of Sion, one of the most learned men of his age, could not refrain from crying out, alluding to his name, O Luther! Thou art truly Luther! that is to say, truly pure.' About this time, he received a very flattering letter from Erasmus; in which the usual happy vein of ridicule possessed by that extraordinary man is conspicuous, in the account which he transmits of the conduct pursued by the reformer's enemies, as it fell under his notice. He tells him also, "You have in England people who esteem your works, and these ate persons of the highest rank. There are some even here whose affection you have gained, and among those, a man of great merit."-"I have begun to read your commentary on the Psalms; it pleases me much, and I hope it will be of great use.' The historian also informs us that Erasmus, moreover, had written to the elector, that the conduct of Luther was universally esteemed, and his books eagerly read: a testimony, which not a little contributed to determine that prince to protect him.'-If we reflect on the elevated port of Luther's mind, we shall be duly sensible of the extraordinary animation which it would derive from circumstances of the nature of those above stated. An incident, which occurred at this period, shews in a striking manner the nature of the times; it is told by Erasmus as having happened when he was printing his St. Jerome; and he relates that some celebrated divines had gone to Bâle to the house of his printer *, to conjure him in the name of God to leave out in his edition all the Greek and Hebrew words to be found in St. Jerome, because these languages were very dangerous, and tended only to ostentation and curiosity.'-Another fact, illustrative of the times, is given by the author in a quotation from Dorpius, a sensible scriptural writer, who died in the catholic communion; and who, speaking of the divines of his time, says: they passed the valuable years of their youth in studying logic, and did not think ten years too * Per omnia sacra typographum obtestantes, ne quid græcitatis aut hebraismi pateretur admisceri; ingens in eis literis esse periculum, nec quicquam esse fructus, ad solam curiositatem paratis, &c. Erasm S. much to acquire the art of composing sophisms in perfection, of inveloping truth in darkness, and of defending falsehood and truth with equal probability.' The friends of Luther much dreaded the consequences of a work which he had just brought out against the temporal power of the Pope; and we learn that he was entreated to suppress it; but he replied that it was impossible, four thousand copies having been sold.'-This is a sufficient proof of a general disposition in favour of the new doctrines, We are also told that, While proceedings were carried on against Luther at Rome, Providence raised him up protectors in Germany. Sylvester de Schaumbourg, of an illustrious house among the nobility of Franconia, and Francis de Seckengen, a gentleman who possessed great interest in the empire, wrote to him to assure him of their support and friendship. Schaumbourgh wrote to him, that he had been informed by persons of worth and learning, that as long as his doc trine was founded only upon Scripture, and submitted to equitable and enlightened judges, he would not fail to be persecuted, that he intreated him not to seek an asylum in Bohemia, because the smallest communication with the Bohemians would render his cause odious; that he offered him a retreat, together with the protection of an hundred gentlemen, with whom he might await in safety the decision of his affair.' It has already appeared that Luther was much indebted to the favourable testimonies borne towards him by Erasmus; and we shall now see that this elegant genius afterward had it in his power to render him a more important service. He happened to be at Cologne at the time at which the Elector of Saxony was also there; and this Prince, before he took any farther step in Luther's cause, sent for Erasmus, to learn his opinion, by which he was determined to be guided. At their interview, After some civilities, he said to Erasmus, "I have the highest antipathy to heresy, and I would rather that the earth should swal low me alive, than that I should support and favour it. But if Luther teach the truth, I never will suffer him to be crushed, let the danger of defending him be ever so great to me and mine. I confess that the points at issue are above my skill, and I do not pretend to judge, of myself, whether Luther be in the right or not: I wish to be informed, and to consult the learned. I have brought you here to know your opinion, and Į entreat you to give it me with sincerity." Erasmus appeared surprised at this discourse; and whether it was that he was considering of his answer, or was afraid to explain himself, he remained for some time in silence. But the elector regarding him steadily, and with that grave and solemn air which appeared upon his countenance whenever he was engaged in any affair of importance, Erasmus at last broke silence. "Luther," said he, "has committed two capital offences. He has struck at the crown of the pope, and the belly of the monks." The prince could not refrain from laughing, and never forgot this reply. Erasmus con. tinuing his discourse, admitted that Luther was justified in attacking the abuses introduced into the church; that it was necessary they should be corrected; that the foundation of his doctrine was true, but that he could have wished for greater moderation. • Spalatinus attended Erasmus to the house of the provost of the chapter. As soon as they had arrived there, Erasmus took a chair, and immediately wrote in short and distinct sentences his opinion concerning Luther. This writing he put into the hands of Spalatinus, to convey to his master.' The statement was highly favourable to the reformer, and strongly censured his enemies: concluding thus; "that, in fine, the world sighed for evangelical doctrine, and that it would be extremely dangerous to oppose the general wish in an odious and violent manner." Aleander, it is well known, endeavoured to engage Erasmus to write against Luther by the promise of a bishopric. It is even said that, one day being much pressed, Erasmus replied, that the undertaking was beyond his powers, and that he found more true divinity in one page of Luther's writings, than in all the compendium of St. Thomas.' When we consider how important was the elector's support of Luther to the success of the reformation, we shall be sensible how much that cause stands obliged to Erasmus; whose opinion, had it been adverse, would in all probability have pccasioned that prince to have left the reformer to his fate. Frequent reference is made by the author to a work intitled, A History of the Preliminaries of the Reformation, or Remarks, &c. which, it appears, was intended to have preceded the narrative before us but the translator says that he is not informed whether it ever was published. If it has been, we have no doubt that an English edition of it would be deemed an acceptable service to the public. ART. VI. The Trident; or, the National Policy of Naval Cele * By Major, John Cartwright mind Jo. |