passages, that the author's eloquence had failed on other occasions of a similar kind. The power of these "sturdy beggars" is, according to Rousseau's definition, a pistol; and, but too generally, they are best answered by a retort in kind. It will unavoidably occur, in other parts of these.. volumes, to Dr. Lettsom's readers, that his hints ought rather to have been termed memorials of what has been done by preceding philanthropists: though, in several of the institutions described, it must be owned that he has taken a distinguished part. We have also in this volume the whole correspondence relating to the design of erecting a statue to Mr. Howard, during his life-time; which collection of papers, we think, might have been spared; excepting that the singular modesty displayed by that great character, and his unconquerable aversion. to being dragged forwards, as he expressed it, by the zeal of admiring friends, may be expected to afford an useful lesson to men of inferior merit and urgent pretension. The third volume opens with Hints respecting the Cowpock, consisting chiefly in a re-publication of a pamphlet which we had occasion to notice some time ago. Here we are sorry to see the Sacred Cow again introduced. Thinking as highly as the warmest friends of the Vaccine Inoculation can do, of the benefits which this practice confers on mankind, we look to ANOTHER Object of gratitude and adoration-to the Giver of all good; and we therefore wish, that Dr. L. had not obtruded his Asiatic mummery on his readers, in this fresh publication.-The other papers in this volume afford no particular ground for observation. Their tendency is unex ceptionable, and they will convey to many persons much important instruction.-The work is decorated with silhouettes and portraits of several distinguished authors and patrons of the establishments celebrated by Dr. Lettsom; and by plans and views of some of the buildings. Dr. L. has transmitted to us a manuscript letter, in which he chooses to consider us as opposers of the Vaccine Inoculation, from a few observations which we dropped in reviewing the second volume of Dr. Trotter's Medicina Nautica. At the time when that review was written, our minds were cer tainly impressed by Dr. Woodville's observations: but, if Dr. Lettsom will take the trouble of examining our preceding and subsequent statements, he will find that we have been streIf we nuous asserters of the utility of Vaccine Inoculation. really possess such a degree of credit with the public as he is * See Rev. Vol. xxxviii. N. S. p. 318. + lbid. Vol. xxxii. N. S. p. 248. pleased pleased to suppose, it is incumbent on us to weigh our opinions with the most scrupulous impartiality; and whether our influence be considerable or not, we shall always endeavour to avoid the extremes of tardy belief and premature acquiescence. Our objection to Dr. Trotter's plan, at that time, rested on a principle which we can never abandon,-that our seamen ought not to be made the first subjects of experiments. We have also seen a pamphlet circulated by Dr. Lettsom; in which the Doctor has accused us (p. 27.) of having opposed the Vaccine Inoculation for two years: at least, by his mode of expression, he has attached this charge to us in common with others against whom he directs his allegation. The assertion, as far as it regards ourselves, we must plainly and directly contradict. Our statements of the evidence in support of the Vaccine Inoculation have been uniformly favourable; and we rest our vindication on a reference which our readers may easily make, to all our criticisms on publications devoted to this subject. Dr. Lettsom has evidently confounded us in his mind with other writers, for whose opinions we are not responsible; and we must particularly mention a passage in p. 34. of his pamphlet, in which he has inserted a quotation from another periodical work in such a manner that he appears to refer it to the Monthly Review. Conscious as we were that the sentiments expressed in that quotation had not proceeded from us, we found it necessary to consult the corresponding volume and page of the M. R. in order to be satisfied that Dr. L. had so uncandidly, and we must add unjustifiably, laid the paragraph at our door. This proceeding is of a kind which requires an ample apology from the offender; carelessness in such a case is hardly an excuse. Fer. ART. VI. Religious Principle the Source of National Prosperity: A Sermon preached in the Parish Church of Richmond, Surrey, on the 1st of June, 1802, being the Day appointed by Proclamation for a General Thanksgiving. To which are subjoined (in the Form of Notes) Essays on various Subjects connected with . the Occasion. By the Rev. Edward Patteson, M. A. formerly of Trinity College, Oxford. 8vo. pp. 183. 4s. Boards. אן Faulder. this annotating age, Mr. Patteson has accommodated himself to the mode, by presenting us with a sermon which, like a streaming meteor, throws out so long a tail, that we know not to which our attention ought principally to be directed, whether to the body of the star or to its luminous train. The sermon itself is a mass of texts: almost every page of it is REV. FEB. 1803. L pregnant pregnant with an essay; and were we to accompany the writer through the various discussions into which he constantly digresses, we should be under the necessity of trespassing very largely on the attention of our readers. We shall endeavour to take a middle course. To obviate the charge which he suspects may be brought against him, of exceeding his proper and immediate province, the author particularly replies to the question, " What have the clergy to do with politics?" and he contends that a man, in assuming the character of a clergyman, has not renounced that of a citizen. We expected that, in the course of his strenuous advocacy for the civil rights of the clergy, he would have reprobated their exclusion from the Commons House of Parliament: but, to our surprize, he makes no reference to this subject, contenting himself with urging their right, nay their duty, to introduce political views in their publications and discourses. Here much of his reasoning is good; and he so well defines the line of conduct which the political clergyman should purthat we shall transcribe a part of his introductory essay : Can it be the duty of a pastor to be solicitous for the interest of his flock in meaner concerns, and to regard it with indifference where the highest are involved? Shall his anxiety be demanded for the fate of individuals; and shall he, at the same time, be required to repress it, where the fate of all is in suspense? Can he with decency exhort every man to love his neighbour as himself, while, in his own conduct, he appears destitute of feeling for the whole body of his neighbours in their collective character ? “ Cari sunt parentes, cari liberi, propinqui, familiares; sed omnes omnium caritates patria una complexa est." These indeed are the well-known words of a heathen philosopher: but has revelation superseded or discountenanced the generous ar dour of a patriotic spirit ? Let us hear an inspired writer, patheti cally apostrophizing the metropolis of his country: "If I forget i thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning!" And it is recorded of a far higher character, that, approaching to the holy city, and prophetically contemplating the time when its enemies should not leave in it one stone upon another, he was affected, even to tears: "he beheld the city and wept over it." It cannot therefore be the less incumbent upon Christian ministers to exert themselves in any cause where peace, charity, justice, and humanity, are evidently at stake, because it is connected with political arrangements; (for this is only to say, that such a cause concerns rather the whole body of their countrymen than any particular citizen;) although it must be granted that the propriety of their interference will depend greatly upon the manner and extent of it. As champions of a party, as antagonists of individuals, as political gla diators, as dealers in scurrility and invective, not knowing what spirit they are of, it becomes the sacred order to be for ever silent. And if they cannot venture to make the slightest excursion upon the ocean of politics, without suffering themselves to be carried away by the current, current, to the neglect of their flocks, and, perhaps, the destruction of that peace of mind which is so essential to the effectual discharge of their most important functions, they will do much better by resting on the shore. On the other hand, (so long as they observe a due decorum in temper and language,) in striving to moderate the spirit of party, to keep up the recollection of Providence, and of a future state, to maintain the purity of public morals, and to guard the holy scriptures from contempt and perversion (however the artifice or the madness of others may have blended and entangled these objects with political measures) it does not appear that they are confined to any other bounds than those of Christian charity, or by any motives of forbearance, but the despair of success *.? It is true that the clergy, as members of the social body, are not precluded from the examination of questions which are interesting to the community at large; and it may be a public benefit, especially in times of great ferment and acrimonious agitation, to have politics discussed with that temper and mo deration which may reasonably be expected from the ministers of the gospel of Christ: who, when they speak of the affairs of this world, are bound to view them with the mind and in the spirit of their divine Master. When representing the evils of war, and congratulating his hearers on the return of the blessings of peace, Mr. Patteson may be said to preach like a true Christian divine; and his discourse must give satisfaction to all those whom he could wish to please. While, however, we must commend him as a man of considerable talents, learning, and ingenuity, we must also confess that his political argumentation does not uniformly carry conviction to our minds; and that too much anger and invective are mingled with his representations. A great part of the materials here brought together would have better suited the appendix to a fast than to a thanksgiving sermon. While war is to be prosecuted, it may be policy to *I anticipate the objection, that, upon these principles, I open a door for the unlimited entrance of the clergy into those very abominations, from which I appear most anxious to exclude them: "because" (it will be said) whoever wishes to take a share in the political controversies and struggles of the day, will presently discover that religion and social order are deeply concerned in them." To this observation it is only necessary to reply, that no practice is to be prohibited, purely because it is open to abuse; that such of the clergy as will be guilty of this abuse, must ever bear a very small proportion to the whole body; and that the mischief to be apprehended from their misconduct in promoting dissensions, will be far more than compensated by the efforts of their more enlightened brethren to compose them.' L 2 inflame inflame the passions of the people against their enemies; if, according to the author, 'revenge, as an implement of war, is not less legitimate than the mechanical engines of destruction." On the proclamation of peace, however, we may be expected to substitute reason for passion, and, by clearer views of things, to anticipate the decisions of history. Here Mr. P. affords us little assistance. His mind still feels all the agitation of the storm, and he delights in declamation; preferring bold assertion to that impartial review of the past, which may in time be presented to his better judgment. From one who could argue so logically as Mr. Patteson has contended, in support of the justice of defensive war, we did not look for a repetition of those stale and unsatisfactory accounts of the French Revolution, which were urged by the Alarmists and the followers of Abbé Barruel during the war. Instead of re-producing the incredible assertion that the Revolution was a deliberate experiment, intended to demonstrate that both religion and government might safely be dispensed with, and that the benefits of society might be attainable without them; or resolving all its convulsions and subversions into the effects of a conspiracy, engendered, and stimulated to activity, by the inexplicable influence of the still more inexplicable Illuminism of some clubs in Bavaria; we should have supposed that Mr. Patteson, presenting himself in the shape of an enlightened Christian inquirer, and not as a political gladiator,' would have explained the French Revolution by assigning it to causes really adequate to the production of such an effect. He might have mentioned the gradual progress of knowlege, so inimical to political and theological despotism; the spirit of liberty often evinced in the remonstrances of the parliaments against the king's edicts; the profligacy of the court; and the embarrassment of the finances. He might have shewn how much even the history of his own country, and the taunting boasts of his own countrymen, must have operated on the minds of the French people, in inducing them to wish for a change of system. He might have deplored the want of firmness in Louis XVI., the cowardice of the Nobles, and the interference of foreign powers in the early period of the Revolution, by which the French nation was precipitated into anarchy and republicanism. He might have discriminated between the different periods of the Revolution; and he might have speculated on the probable consequences which would have arisen, had Louis not violated his oath, but, instead of attempting flight, had resolved to fulfil his engagements and patiently wait for a period more favourable to his regal power. He might have adverted to the want of unity of 3 design |