ciples for these had stripped her of her thirteen colonies. England alone could unseat the Democrats from power, and cripple and crush them to the earth-things that must be done before the Federalists could return to power. Under these circumstances, nothing could be more natural than that they should take sides with England, and they did so with a will and spirit worthy of a good cause. Their first and all-important step was to weaken and cripple the national Government-prevent enlistments and loans of money, and cause all its acts to be considered unwise, oppressive, and odious. Even our triumphs by sea and land were either denounced or groaned over and treated as sinful, Every thing tended to one point to crush our country, to the end that the Democratic administration might be tumbled to the earth, and its adversaries again installed in power. These things were heard in Congress, State legislative halls, in public meetings and corners of the streets, and read in their papers. Great Britain thought she had little to fear from us when so large a portion of our people and the talent and wealth of New England were with her. Her maxim was, that a house divided against itself could not stand. She had all the evidence she needed in the public course of the Federal party, and all she even desired, in the secret machinations of that party, in which her agents had participated. We will give instances of sayings and acts which will illustrate and confirm what we say:

In January, 1813, a bill was before Congress to raise twenty thousand men, to be added to the army, when Mr. Quincy, of Massachusetts, said in the House :

"I desire, therefore, that it may be distinctly understood, both by this House and the nation, that it is my unequivocal belief, that the invasion of Canada, which is avowed by the Cabinet to be its purpose, is intended by it, that continuance of the war and not peace, is the object.... I say, then, sir, that I consider the invasion of Canada, as a means of carrying on this war, as cruel, wanton, senseless, and wicked. . . . Never was there invasion of any country worse than this, in point of moral principle, since the invasion of the West Indies by the buccaneers, or of the United States by Captain Kidd. Indeed, both Kidd and the buccaneers

had more apology for their deeds than the American Cabinet. ... When in the usual course of Divine Providence, who punishes nations as well as individuals, His destroying angel shall on this account pass over this country, and sooner or later, pass it will, I may be permitted to hope that over New England his hand will be stayed. Our souls are not steeped in the blood which has been shed in this war. The spirits of the unhappy men who have been sent to an untimely audit have borne to the bar of Divine Justice no accusations against us."

Tallmadge, of Connecticut, said: "When he reflected upon these solemn and awful events, he could not but weep for his in fatuated country."

Wheaton, of Massachusetts, said that "his soul sickened at the thought of progressing in this war."

Gardiner, a Boston clergyman, said: "Let no considerations. whatever, my brethren, deter you at all times, and in all places, from execrating the present war. As Mr. Madison has declared war, let Mr. Madison carry it on. The Union has long since been virtually dissolved, and it is full time that this part of the United States should take care of itself."

In the Senate of Massachusetts, of which Josiah Quincy had become a member, he offered the following resolution, which was adopted:

"Resolved, as the sense of the Senate of Massachusetts, that, in a war like the present, waged without justifiable cause, and prosecuted in a manner which indicates that conquest and ambition are its real motives, it is not becoming a moral and religious people to express any approbation of military or naval exploits, which are not immediately connected with the defence of our seacoast and soil."

The Legislature of Massachusetts, in July, 1813, adopted a remonstrance, denouncing the war as unjust, because the Government had not removed the causes of British complaint by guarding against the employment of her seamen, in which it was averred, "Under such circumstances, silence toward the Government would be treachery to the people."

Mr. Lowell, of Massachusetts, in a pamphlet entitled the "Road

to Ruin," said, "Encouraged and protected from infamy by the just odium against the war, they engage in lawless speculations, sneer at the restraints of conscience, laugh at. perjury, mock at legal magistrates, and acquire ill-gotten wealth at the expense of public morals, and of the more sober, conscientious parts of the community.... Administration hirelings may revile the Northern States, and the merchants generally, for this monstrous depravation of morals, this execrable course of smuggling and fraud But there is a just God, who knows how to trace the causes of human events, and He will assuredly visit upon the authors of this war all the iniquities of which it has been the occasion."

Many more such citations might be added.

Curtis Coe, imprisoned at Three Rivers, in Canada, as a spy, was discharged on the ground that he was no enemy to the British Government, and had been uniformly a "stanch Federalist."

American vessels were captured carrying British permits to sail and trade, and a British judge officially declared, that their object was to benefit their military service-to furnish subsistence for her armies in Spain.

The British declared all our coast from the Mississippi to the north end of Long Island to be in a state of blockade, leaving New England open.

The Executives of Connecticut and Massachusetts refused to place their militia when called into service under the command of the President, as required by the Constitution. Governor Chittenden, of Vermont, ordered the militia from his State, who had gone to Canada, to return.

Massachusetts' claim for services in the war was not allowed by Congress till more than fifty years afterward.

Here we have merely glimpses of the motives, intentions, and acts of the Federalists during the war. Old England and New England treated each other as friends devoted to the same interests. Our laws could not be executed, nor their infringers be punished in those States which were under Federal control. Those arrested as spies were discharged on proof of being Federalists. New England vessels were furnished with British permits to trade at certain places under British control. Federalism had but one

more step to take to arrive at treason, under the Constitution, and that was an easy and natural one-to act out what they felt, in favor of Great Britain and against their own country. If the Federalists of New England had succeeded in carrying out what they felt, and often manifested, Great Britain would have overcome us during the war, and we should have been a mere appendage of that power, or been a weak nation by her permission.

43.-DANIEL D. TOMPKINS.

The war of 1812 developed men equal to the occasion. Mili tary and naval stars arose as the exigencies of the country demanded them. Civilians of great intellect and power presented themselves, and orators came forth to arouse the energies of the people and cheer them on in patriotic duty. The enemy knew the strong and weak points in the country, and how the pulse of men beat. He must strike his blows where they would best produce the desired consequences, without needlessly wasting his strength or damaging his friends. The climate of New Orleans was long its protector. The growing West had little wealth to plunder or destroy, while it had strong arms, noble hearts, and stubborn will to protect itself. Distances and the condition of the roads were unfavorable. The South presented no point where aggressors would not soon be driven into the sea. New England was filled with friends who must not be injured or annoyed, but encouraged into resisting its own Government.

New York presented the assailable points. She had a long sea-coast and a lake frontier of several hundred miles, and waterways for most of the distance between Canada and her great city, all of which were well-known old battle-grounds. New York was the most exposed State, and with Canada on the north, hostile New England on the east, the sea on the south, and New Jersey and the almost impenetrable hills and forests of Pennsylvania on the other, the British believed they could crush her. This would separate the South from New England and allow her to carry out her long-cherished plan of seceding and forming a separate government, under the protection of Great Britain. The national Government, thwarted every way by the

Federalists, was without men or means adequate to the defence of the State. Its blows upon Canada had been few and ineffectual. But the Democracy of New York had placed at the head of her State government a man equal to the emergency. Daniel D. Tompkins was her much-loved Governor.

Governor Tompkins was born in Westchester County, N. Y., in 1774. He graduated with the highest honors at Columbia College, and was admitted to the bar in 1797; settled in the city of New York; was elected to the Legislature in 1802; in 1804 to Congress; appointed a justice of the Supreme Court in 1805; and in 1807 elected Governor of the State, in which office he continued, by reëlection, until 1817, when he became VicePresident, before he was thirty-three years of age. No man ever rose more rapidly or rested on a more solid foundation, or served in these various capacities more to the satisfaction of those he represented.

His personal appearance was strongly in his favor, and his conversational powers charmed all who heard him. He was genial, kind-hearted, and benevolent. It was in pursuance of his two recommendations that the Legislature enacted the gradual abolition of slavery in the State. He was a stanch friend of education, and of many charitable institutions. The poor and suffering were never turned away empty-handed from his door. He loved his country, her institutions, and the principles of democracy upon which they were founded. A more perfect personification of those principles never lived. Although extremely gentle, he was as firm as the hills in favor of what he believed to be right. He acted no studied part, but exhibited to the world the natural impulses of a true heart. He possessed the happy faculty of remembering the name and face of every person to whom he had been introduced, and was the admiration of those who add grace and give charms to drawing-rooms. The father being a Westchester farmer, the son received the sobriquet of "The farmer's son."

Such was the man at the helm in New York when the War of 1812 was declared. He commenced his political career in 1801, the year that Jefferson was inaugurated, and sustained him