first effect, therefore, of the enemies of the people, attempting to seduce the army from the people's interest, would be a division of the whippible against the unwhippible. The soldier's liability to the lash will not bind him to his patrician masters.

Again, the soldiers and officers have no interests, no motives or sympathy in common with one another. For it is a well known fact, that the soldiers are to a man dissatisfied and disgusted with their officers, and the mode of their appointment, and the hopelessness of their own services. The army, in fine, is morally disorganized in relation to its officers.

The Navy and Marines would be strongly led by professional feelings to side with the people, and the government they approve; and they would at once furnish an incomparable artillery, for the defence of posts and passages, and would likewise form the basis of a disciplined infantry, should even any difference arise between the Aristocracy and the people. In the artillery and engineers, the interest of the worst part of the Aristocracy would be found feeble, in proportion to the degree in which the officers are drawn from the middle or scientific classes of society; and it would be completely nullified by the sweeping interest which would be created, by opening to these corps the way to general promotion. Nor is this all, more, much more, depends upon the free competition system. It is well known, that with a mixture of old troops, a good infantry can be made in three weeks, and in this would every soldier find advancement. Cavalry requires a longer time; but with good horses and willing men, it is hard, if in three months a cavalry could not be made, that with careful leading, and some small advantage in numbers, should make to tremble the hirelings of despotism and tyranny. There again would the old soldier have an opportunity of rising, as the means recommended with this view, are to make fifty troop-sergeant-majors, captains, and the same number of sergeants and corporals, subaltern officers, on condition that they bring their troops into the field in good order, within three months from the time they receive their commissions.

Again, the unprincipled portion of the Aristocracy im

agining, that by removing the troops from place to place, they thus create an effectual barrier against intimacy between the troops and the people; and thus think, that if the soldiers were called forth to act against the people, that they would do it without compunction or regret.

Now we maintain, that in viewing the connexion between the people and the soldiers thus, that they are eggregiously wrong, and would find themselves very far mistaken in the end they had in view, by the military transporting mode above noticed, and it can be no great breach of duty to make them aware of the jeopardy which threatens them were they to trust to such a pitiable scheme for protection. British soldiers in a foreign country have no fear of danger, and much less of their ememies. It is over them however, that the glory of the British Lion is seen to shine resplendent; it is there that his strength is feared, and his anger propitiated. But at home what a contrast; the Lion is beside his young, and these young are not the dishonest and unprincipled portion of the Aristocracy. No: the people and the sacred liberties of the country are alike dear to the soldiers, and sooner than they would do aught to harm them, they would strain hand and nerve to fight in their defence, and that too, either against foreign foes, or domestie tyrants.

The people and the liberties of the country, are the pet cubs of the British Lion, and sooner than see them trampled on, or endangered, the blood of the British Lion will be shed in their defence.

Besides, in the time of war, the soldiers of Britain could scarcely be called her soldiers, they fought for the boroughmongers-they were never suffered to be naturalized in the country-they were taken from the plough and from the loom, and sent over to the continent, where they either contracted habits of rapine and cruelty, (on account of their principles not being properly formed at home,) or they were mercilessly slaughtered by a cruel and vindictive enemy. But times are now materially changed. Even though they be taken from the plough, and from the trades as formerly, yet they are not sent abroad to engage in fields of blood, and slaughtering campaigns. No: seventeen years of peace has wrought as great an alteration on the British soldier, as the last

century has wrought in other respects on the manners, learning, and interest of the community; in fine, the soldiers of Britain at the present day, will never fight against the sacred cause of liberty; they are human beings, and they know what are their rights and privileges, as well as any class of men in existence, and the Aristocracy need no more trust to the army of Britain to fight in their defence. They might as well trust to a broken reed to support them, as expect that the soldiers of the people of Britain will aid them in the promotion of their black and accursed schemes. The principal military reforms then, which the people should cause to be instituted, are the following. 1. Reduction of the standing army; 50,000 men leaving to protect the colonies, and to take care of the Forts and Castles of the Empire; and the protection of the East Indies upwards of 76,000 men, a prodigious standing army for Britain to have truly. 2. Abolish military flogging, and the substitution of other humane puuishments in its place. 3. Commissions to be conferred as the cause of merit, instead of being bought with money. 4. Soldiers of the standing army to be considered as citizens, and having as great a stake dependent on the welfare of the country, as civilians, &c. concluding, we may notice, that the improvement of our maritime force is an object, which we trust, will never be lost sight of by any ministry of Great Britain, whatever their political principles may be. It is that description of force which Providence seems particularly to have destined for our defence, and by improving which, we can never fail of increasing our security at home, and extending our respectability, and commercial prosperity abroad. That our armies have been equally successful in maintaining the national fame we do not mean to question; but we conceive from the experience of the past, it is much easier for Britain to support her high character among the nations, by the strengh of her wooden walls, than by any other means whatever. It is a description of force, in the wielding of which, she has as yet, no rivals; and in order to preserve an ascendancy, which is not only honourable and profitable to herself, but also useful to her neighbours. We trust no reasonable expense will ever be spared.

Before

We now proceed to notice the importance and propriety of organizing A National Guard for the protection of our liberties.

SECTION XXII.

NATIONAL GUARD.

Now that the great charter of our liberties has been gained, and that we have got something to preserve, would it be going too far on in the system of conservatism to propose the formation of a British National Guard? We answer, No. For it must be remembered, that if a national guard was necessary in former times, when our liberties were so precarious and insignificant, what can be said now that we have received so great an addition as the great reform charter of William the Fourth, to defend.

Since, then, that it appears to be so fair, reasonable, and expedient a proposition, the question comes to be, on what system ought it to be modelled? Ought it to be a fac simile of our present aristocratical guard, the Eng lish, Scottish, and Irish yeomanry corps? Or ought it rather to be on the system observed in France? We answer, that as to the idea of establishing it on the same system as the yeomanry corps are, that it is preposterous and absurd; and that the only reasonable plan on which it can be formed is that on which they are established in France and America. There cannot be a doubt, however, that if such a scheme as the formation of a British national guard were set on foot, that, in all probability, it would meet with serious opposition from government, either whig or tory, it matters not which,

even allowing that the proposal should emanate from the House of Commons itself.

The opposition of a government, however, (no matter of what principle,) is of no moment now-a-days, seeing that the people's sovereign will, when based upon rational principles, must be law, is a truth engraved indelibly upon the minds of both governors and the governed. And however backward the rulers might prove for a time to fur ther the carrying into effect the noble design, they may rest contented, that their pigmy opposition will not be heeded so long as the object sought for is constitutional, expedient, and necessary for the welfare of the country.

With regard to the constitutional legality of putting arms into the hands of the householders in our towns, for the preservation of the public peace, and protecting their rights and privileges, no man who knows any thing at all of British history, can entertain a doubt. Another weighty reason for adopting this peaceful plan, to which we shall now advert, namely, the propriety of putting the country in a state that shall not tempt a faction rendered desperate by disappointed ambition, to make experiments on the patience of the people in their progress of getting rid of their harrassing burthens, and insuring the public tranquillity.

But

We speak in the spirit of peace, which we cherish as the first of blessings; and as we are taking ground which we think strictly constitutional, we hope to convey the judgment of our readers along with us. though nobody should act upon our views, we shall not be disappointed. We love to sow great truths and sound principles, in the belief that they will bear fruits sooner or later. It is plain then, to us, that the constitutional position of the boroughmongering oligarchy has been strangely at variance with their hopes and purposes. It is evident the King is against them; the House of Commons is against them; and in the country, they have been routed at every point. While the friends of reform have sent up their petitions, there is not a single spot in the empire, from the smallest village up to the metropolis, where the partizans of the oligarchy have dared to hold an open meeting. They have been known