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At Torquay, Devonshire, on 31 it October, Thomas Keeling, Esq. of tbe Inland of St. Bartholomew, and late of Mornington Crescent. Ilampstead Road.

At Pavia, on 31st October, Antonia Scarpa, Professor of Anatomy.

At Edinburgh, on 31st October, Miss Margaret Watson, daughter of the deceased James Watson, Esq. of Saughton.

At Ladyfield Place, Edinburgh, on 31st October, John Edgar, E*q. late accountant of Excise.

At Moffat, on 31st October, Mr. Thomas Harkness, sen., writer, Dumfries.

At Haehan Cottage, Peebles-shire, on 1st November, Lady Racbum, relict of the late Sir Henry Raebum.

At Glasgow, on 1st November, Mr. Patrick Macfarlane.

At 29, Bernard Street, Lcith, on ?d November, William, eldest son of William Loriraer, Esq. solicitor.

At Eklcrslie House, on 2d November, Archibald Spiers, Esq. of Elderslie.

At Edinburgh, on 3d November, Mr. John Laing, surveyor of taxes.

At Edinburgh, on 3d November, Ann, eldest daughter of the late John Oucuterlony, Esq. of Ouynd.

At Edinburgh, on 3d November. Mr. John Morison, late merchant, Lcith.

At RaveUton, on 4th November, Sir Alexander Keith of Dunnottar. Knight Marischal of ScoU land.

At Russell Square, London, on 4th November, the Right Hon. Charles Ixird Tentcrden, I,ord Chief Justice of his Majesty's Court of King's Bench.

At Loud'in, on 5th November, Helenora, widow

of Claud Alexander, Esq. of ballochmyle, and daughter of the late Sir William Maxwell, Bart, of SprinRkcll.

On the 5th November, James Smith, Eiq, of Swan Walk, Chelsea.

At Eliot Vale, Blackheath, on fith November, Fredenca Augusta, relict of William Lock, late of Norbury Park, Esq.

At Cheltenham, on 0th November, Colonel John Herries,

At Lcith, on 0th November, Mrs. Margaret llobertson, relict of Mr. John Thomson, merchant, 1xith.

At Kinghorn, on 1th November, James Meldrum, late tenant ul Crnigton.

At Linlithgow, on 7th Nov. James Rae, Esq. SheriffSubstitute of Linlithgowshire.

At her seat, Kyne House, near Tenbury, on 8th November, Mrs. Pytts, relict of the late Jonathan Pytts, of Kyne, county of Worcester, Esq.

At Shooter's Hill, on 9th November, Lieutenant Colonel General Cuppage, Royal Artillery, aod Inspector of the royal Carriage department.

At London, on 9th November, Colonel Robert Broughton, of the Hon. East India Company's service.

At Meadow Place, Edinburgh, on 10th November, Captain James Lunn, late of the 86th regiment.

At Gatehouse of Fleet, on 11th November, Mrs. Janet Gordon, relict of the late Hugh Gordon, minister of Avoch.

At Dumfries, on 11th November, Miss Susan Copland, youngest daughter of the late Alexander Copland, Esq. ot Collision.

At Haddington Place, Edinburgh, on 11th November, Mary, wife of Mr. Duncan Black.

At Dale Park, on 11 th November, Frances, Dowager Marchioncsi of Bute.

At Brighton, on 11th November, Hcnrv Arthur Broughton, Esq. of Great Marlborough Street

At 14, Roxburgh Place, Edinburgh, on 12th November, Mr. John M'Larcn, Spirit merchant.

At llfracombe. on 13th November, Michael Bow. man, Esq. Surgeon, Harlcy Street, Caveodish Square.

At HelgTave Square, London, on 13th November, Letitia, wite of Vice Admiral Sir Charles Ogle, Bart.

At Inveresk, on Itth November, Miss Macgaret Hay, daughter of the late Major George Hay.

At Edinburgh, on 15th November, Mr. i.uorge Gillespie, Builder.

At Westmains of Glaok, parish of Dariot, on 23i1 September, Thomas Forstcr, student.

At Elie, Captain John Smith, R. N.

At Bland ford, Dorset, the Hon. A Stuart, formerly of the Queen's Bay», the only (and twin) brother of the Earl of Moray.

At Bonanc, county of Kerry, the Rev. Randall M'Finnan M'Carthy, R. C. C.

At Dumbreak, Kirkintilloch, Marion Fergus, relict of the late Mr. William Stewart.

At Mdan, Lord Clinton.

At Ramsgate, Sir James Lake, Bart.

At Ryde, Isle of Wight, the Rev. Horatio Pitt Shewell.

At Waterford, Samuel Sprigg, Esq.

At the Manse of Carlavrock, the Rev. Dr Wl liam M'Morinc.

At Madras, Lieutenant.Colonel H. T. Shaw of the 45th regiment

At Barrnckpore, Lieutenant E. C Macphorson, 48th regiment, N. I.

At Winkerstunes, Mr. Robert Thomson, farmer.

At Bath, Volant Vashon Ballard, Esq. C. B. Rear Admiral of the White.

PROFESSOR SIR JOHN LESLIE. Weraention, with sincere regret, the loss of this eminent philosopher; a regret deepened by the difficulty of filling up the place he has left vacant in our University, and in the field of scientific discivery. The death of Professor Leslie was the more afflicting to his friends, from being quite unexpected. He was at his place in Fife, bmy with out-door improvements, previous to his winter duties in Edin. burgh and in his class. A neglected cold, followed by erysipelas in the legs, with his habit of body, proved rapidly fatal. He was no more, before his friends here were well apprised of his illness. Sir John Leslie was in his 06th year. He was a native of Fife, and the son of a decent fanner. This is not the place for a history of his pursuits, inventions, or discoveries. They will not be forgotten. Apart from his merits as a man of science. Professor Leslie was highly valued by his personal friend, as a kind, unassuming, single-hearted man, who never thought it worth while to affect that unsterioue carriage of the body which is used by inferior men to veil defects of the spirit

THE EDINBURGH PEACE MEETING.
GRAND TORY DEMONSTRATION.

This desperate and unprincipled faction have made a sudden and simultaneous movement throughout the three kingdoms. They have sprung their cunningly-laid mine, and hope, by a bold cnup-dr-main, either to hoist out the Government or greatly to influence the elections. The Whigs, taken by surprise, have not had sufficient nerve at once to meet the exigency, and to crush the mischief in the egg; and the Radicals have held aloof, not we hope from recollecting the way in which their late heartv co-operation has been requited, though Bath and Middlesex warrant something like this. This must not be. The country is more than any party soreness All merges in its danger from the Tory machinations ; and its truest interests call upon every man to rally round the administration, and at one* to defeat this cunning device of its enemies—those who, living in the bosom of Britain, have seized the moment of her danger and difficulty to play the game of traitors. The meetings got up in London, Edinburgh, and Dublin, with so fair a gloss of purpose, are really meant to strengthen the Dutch King in his mulish obstinacy, to encour. age the despots of the North of Europe in a new crusade against freedom, and to raise the hopes of the expelled Bourbons; and this effect they must have: nor do the secret instigators of these meetings care one jot for any mischief that may result from them, whether to the honour or the peace of the country, so that thev may profit by the occasion to advance their own selfish objects. They are like thieves, who set fire to a house tli.it they may profit by the conflagration to rob.

When we support the Whigs, the probability is, that they are in the right. The part we have played has not been that of their apologist or their partisan. The Tories, as they think, have fairly caught the Whig M inistry at an advantage. f rom knowing how averse the people are to war, the Conservative leaders have got up what they are pleased to call "Public Meetings," (although the public are carefully excluded,) to protest agaimt the conduct of the Ministry in involving the country once more in war, in an "unjust and unnecessary*war," acrmding to these new friends of peace—a war against an *' ancient ally," in furtherance of the selfish views of our " natural enemy" France, One of these meetings has just taken place in Edinburgh, to the proceedings of which we shall shortly advert; bnt, as the endless protocols have so tired the publie, that few recollect the nature of the question, we shall first refresh the minds of our readers by a short summary.

Belgium was given to Holland by the Holy Alliance, at their settlement of Europe; not joined to Holland in perfect equality, but given to Holland, it may be said, as a prey. The Dutch King and the Dutch National Debt were fixed, by Castlereagh and his royal accomplices, round the necks of the Belgians, without their consent, and grievously against their wilL The Belgians resolved to be free, and rose against their owners. A fierce war ensued. It was stooped by the humane interference of the Five Great Powers of Europe. Both Holland and Belgium agreed to abide bv the decision of these Powers. Belgium promptly fulfilled its part of the award of the Five Powers, while Holland remonstrated, and refused to abide by the same award. By obstinate perseverance, Holland obtained better terms than were originally fixed by the Five Powers; but, not contented with this, Holland, after two years spent in protocols, persisted in stopping the navigation of the Scheldt, and in retaiuing possession of the citadel of Antwerp. The robber kept his grasp of the throat of his victim, in disregard of justice and the demands of the bystanders to whom both he and his victim had appealed. France and England, the only two of the Five Powers who have any sympathy with a nation that wishes to be fiee, warn the Dutch that, if theyjdo not evacuate the Belgian citadel, they will compel them to do so by force. The Dutch King refuses; and the English and French execute their threat, without the concurrence of the other three Powers of Europe, whose sympathies are all on the side of despotism; and mark the patriotism of the Tories. This is the critical moment which they choose to abet the King of Holland in hit mad purpose, and play into the hands of a state with which Britain is at war.

By none is war more abhorred than by ourselves; and by none is interference with the affairs of the Continent more deprecated. We hold that it was quite wrong in the Duke of Wellington's Government to interfere with the Dutch and Belgian quarrel at all: Not that we had no light to iuterfere. It is not only lawful, but laudable, to interfere, on the side of humanity, m every case of gross oppression, whether of a nation, or an individual. If a strong man attack a weak man, unjustly, every bystander is bound to interfere to protect the weak man from the strong; and, if a pow erful nation attack a weak, other nations are acting' a just and proper part if they interfere against the powei ful aggressor. Neither an individual nor a nation is called on to interfere in a quarrel where they cannot do so without great injury to themselves; and our National Debt is quite sufficient reason for our declining to lake any part in Continental quarrels. Bui having interfered between Holland and Belgurni; having spent two years io protocols, we think the British Ministry acted for the best when they resolved, in conjunction with France, to force the Dutch King to quit hit gripe of the key of Belgium. The right to use force, in this case, we think indisputable; ana the expediency scarcely less clear. Suppsoe the end of all the proti*ols had been our having the Dutch and Belgians to fight out their quarrel, the disgrace to us of this issue of our interference would have been the least part of the evil. That general war which the Tories are .so loud against, now that we are to fight on the side of liberty, would have been far mure Likely to ensue, than it now is. France would not have abandoned Belgium to the tender mercies of the Dutch King; and had France moved alone to the aid of Belgium, the three d.*sponc Powers would instantly have made war on both these countries Could tec, oppressed with debt and taxation as we are, have stood aloof, and contemplated, across the narrow channel ivhich separates this country and France, the principle of liberty put down, and our gallant neighbours overrun with the armies of despotism? Impossible. There is, indeed, among us a vile faction that would act this base part; nay, would act stdl more bisely. We have no doubt that the Tories would, in such a case, loudly call for our interference on the side of the despots, to crush French freedom, as the first step towards strangling liberty in our own country. Nothing is too base for that detestable faction. But, fortunately, the Tories have no longer the power of doing that mischief which it is their nature to do. Their power is prostrated, never to rise again; and any interference of this country with the affairs of the Continent, w ill be to suppoit liberty, and not despotism, as of old. under the Tory regime.

What may be the result of the movement of France and England against Holland, it is impossible, w hen this goes to press, to foresee. But, be the consequence what it may. Kt rati upon every man, who wishes his cuntry ice//, to support the Whig administration against the insidious attempts of the Tories to ruin them in public opinion, on account of a jnece of foreign policy, tchtch, after the. interference had gone so far, they could not avoid, aud which wo maintain to be both just and expedient.

And who involved us in this dilemma? before the Whigs had accepted of office, the Duke of Wellington's Government had recognised the new French Dynasty, and guaranteed the integrity of Belgium; anl England had accepted the office of mediatrix, which traitors at home hive laboured to prevent her from bringing to a successful issue. The first protocol of the London Conference had in fact been published at Brussels before the Duke of Wellington was driven from office.

And who are these lovers of peace; these shudderers at war; these shrinkcrs from interference with foreign quarrels? A e they members of the Society of Friends? Are they the milliiiters of religion, and men distinguished for their meekness and piety? No, no. They arc the bloody Tories, the lemainsof that insolent faction, who, driven from their rotten boroughs, and other fastnesses of corruption, now seek to rouse the people against the men who fill the places they think theirs by inheritance.—Lovers of \tcnce! They are the men who dragged this reluctant c untry into that war to put doA'n French liberty which has almost made us nationally bankrupt ; the ucn who never lost an opportunity of interfering with the quarrels of every nation of Europe; and never failed to assist the oppressor in his oppression. Nay more, they are the men who originated the interference iu tliis very quarrel, aud continued the interference till they were driven from office, amidst the people s execrations, to make way for butter men. They disclaim being actuated by party motives; but arc any but those of their own party found at these " Public Meetings," unless, perhaps, an occasional traitor, who thinks lie may safely drop his musk? And they talk of economy too ! the unprincipled extortioners and spendthrifts,—and of peace, and humanity, uud religion, the selfish, designing, and contemptible hypocrites! Faugh!

At the Edinburgh meeting, it was plain, that it was not war simply they deprecate. but war in alliance with what they designate *' Revolutionary France." Tory eyes cannot abide the Tri-color. They like it a> a slave-owner likes the Bible of a missionary. At the Isle Public Meetings, none of the very great have appeared. To catch all sorts of fish, the Tories have woven their nets closer in the meshes this time. Their game is to alarm the fears of the people for another of those wars of which we have had sucti ble-sed foretastes. To engage the general sympathy, second-rate men, in rank and fortune, aud those as little as tMsaible, mixed up with party politics, are ostentatiously thrust forward. But, easily is it seen, who dexterously uses the cat's-paws, and plays the wires of these puppets. Among the former of these, at the Ediuburgh Meeting, was Mr. Johnston, the soi-disunt liberal member lor Dunfermline. We say so in charity; for it is better to be a puddleheailcd unconscious tool, than the other character suggested by the line of conduct he has adopted. The room in which the Tories met was about three fourths filled; the meeting was carefully packed with their creatures, and the public excluded, by the tenns of" their advertisement, and by the payment of one shilling at the door. Yet fully one-third of the persons present were evidently opposed in sentiment to the speake s, having goue out of curiosity merely - We have heard of no reformers being present except oue or two connected with the press, who were there in their professional capacity, and Mr. Johnston of Straiton,

"Among the faithful, faithless only he."

And this the impudent Tories, and their lying Journals, will, as they have done before, call a Public Meeting of the Inhabitants of Edinburgh.

TAIT'S

EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.

POLITICAL MORALITY OF MODERN STATESMEN.
No. I.—SIR ROBERT PEEL.

The following paper will be devoted to an examination of the political character of the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel.

In this examination we shall be thoroughly outspoken: conventional phraseology, and all the bland hypocrisies of private life shall be discarded. However necessary such amenities may be to preserve the peace and well-being of society in its every-day intercourse, they are in the highest degree mischievous in public affairs. Truth is here of paramount import. So vast are the interests involved, so wide-spreading may be the evil resulting from error, that we cannot afford to tamper with the matter, or to risk the great and terrible sacrifice that might follow on any undue estimation. The simplest, that is, the right names, shall be employed to designate the conduct of which we may have to speak; and should our language appear harsh, the evil must lie at the door of those who performed acts that may thus be rightly described not at ours, who have told the simple truth on the occasion.'

To sift the worth of existing reputations, is at the present time peculiarly necessary. We are beginning a new era; new rules will guide the conduct of those who govern, since new ends will have to be sought by them. During the past, the great business of all who have presided over public affairs, has been to pursue one object and pretend,another; to forward, in fact, the interests of a class, under specious pretences of providing for the public welfare. The great art has been, to coin apt phrases to blind the multitude, to forge plausible schemes to deceive them; under the guise of intense solicitude for the general weal, dexterously to fill particular pockets; to describe, with shew of reason, all existing evils as necessarily inhering in the frame-work of society, and all existing good as flowing from the wonderful sagacity of themselves and predecessors. He who was successful in these pretences, obtained unbounded renown and power; part of the deep-laid plan of depredation being to poison, at the fountain-heads, the public morality of the people, to corrupt as well as to deceive their judgments, and thus to make them the active instruments of their own degradation. To purify, and render uncorrupt this popular estimation, to strip tha deceivers of their decent coverings, to expose the rotten and hideous deformity which their

No. x.—voL. II. 9 E

art has disguised, should now be the great business of all who pretend to watch the conduct of public men. Now, when popular judgments will lead directly to change and fashion legislative acts, these judgments become intensely important. Hitherto, the influence of the public opinion has been merely indirect, guiding the conduct of those governing, through the medium of their fears; but now, it is to be hoped, that the acts of the government will result immediately from the will of the people, and not from that of their rulers. It is in consequence of the immense and direct importance of public judgments respecting public men, that we now proceed to investigate the character of one who has enjoyed no small share of consideration,—we mean Sir Robert Peel. Exploring the stews of corruption is a disgusting office; is performed because of its imperious necessity, not from any predilection for sights of hideous deformity.

Of all the many plausible pretenders that have lately appeared in the political arena, Sir Robert Peel seems most thoroughly imbued with the spirit of his profession. In Mr. Canning, there was too much passion, and even too much brilliancy and talent, to make him at all times a wily pretender. With Mr. Huskisson, the matter was one of trade. He hired himself for the job, and performed it like a hireling. Lord Eldon, that worthy tutor of the Right Honourable Baronet, had the " interestbegotten prejudices" of his tribe; and he went through his businesslike a paid advocate whose sympathies readily accommodated themselves to his brief. But with Sir Robert Peel it is a labour of love. He seems to have the feeling of a man we had once the misfortune to know, who was dying with a desire of enacting Joseph Surface, being possessed with the notion, that his own character was so like the one imagined by the dramatist, that he could not fail of acquiring renown from the performance. So Sir Robert Peel seems to have undertaken the part of political impostor, from sheer love for the character. He has therefore enacted the same with much unction, but with rather too much care. He has, in truth, overdone the matter. His eternal trickery, his unblushing front, his ever-ready plausibility, his many-sided pretences, his too solemn knavery, have betrayed him. The elaborate finish of the performance has militated against its general effect. Still he has acquired much renown; with very moderate abilities, has contrived to obtain the reputation of a man of great power and judgment; with an extremely shallow knowledge, has come to be thought of vast acquirements; and because possessed of mere routine habits of business, has been considered endowed with the master spirit of a great statesman. Use has made him a somewhat dexterous debater. He understood thoroughly the character of the past House of Commons, and was skilled in the means of addressing himself to their ignorance and their interests; could wield, with some art, the sophistry suited to their narrow understandings; and could usually lead, though he could never impel them, to his purposes. Extended views are beyond his grasp. Of the science of legislation he knows not even the elements; though, like an attorney's clerk, he be master of the mere machinery by which it is put into operation. To the higher moral attributes he is also a stranger. Cold, and overlaid with the debasing artifice of office, his soul knows no high emotions. His bosom is warmed by no generous and expanded sympathies, no high-toned and ennobling feelings. Chilled, blighted, choked by the rank growth of his party vices, every thing generous, every thing exalted, tlied with him; and he now stands the impassible instrument of a treacherous, insolent, and rapacious party.

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