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prevent any relic of royal antiquity from falling into decay. A year or two ago, an old baru, fornnug part of King John's Palace at Eltham, (concerning which, ao long as it was permitted to stand, few people expressed or exhibited the least curiosity,) was sentenced to demolition. Upon this arose an outcry from the antiquaries. Destroy a monument of seven hundred years' duration! Monstrous! A subscription was instantly set on foot; and VVyatt employed to repair the royal barn. In the same taste, the dilettanti of London have recently come forward in defence of Crosby Hall, once the residence of Crookback Richard, and now a packer's warehouse. It seems that the palaces of kings, like the shell of the nautilus, do not become objects of interest in the eyes of the multitude, till they afford shelter to some new inhabitant. Perhaps even the old Dutch guard house at St. James's (a flagrant disgrace to the taste of the first capital in Europe) will, at some future epoch, find favour in the sight of His Majesty's subjects, and be saved from conversion into useful warehouses by a voluntary subscription.

Frequenters or Courts No Courtiers.—The witty old Countess of Aldborough, having applied to Lord Lyndhurst, as a friend, for legal advice, was somewhat ungraciously repulsed. "Ah I" said Lady A., "1 see how it is; I have applied to the wrong court. It is plain your lordship has nothing to do with Civil Law."

Infant Labour.—A certain eccentric Tory member, who, till he obtained a scat in the present Parliament, had never made his appearance in society, dined last year, in company with Sadler, aud several other political personages, at the mansion of Sir Robert Peel. After dinner, as the gentlemen were drinking coffee in the fine picture gallery of the ex-minister, a conversation took plaee between Sadler and Sir Robert

on the subject of the Bill for the Regulation of Infant Labour. Mr. , who

was standing near, occasionally joining in the discussion, while he contemplated Lawrence's exquisite picture of the infant daughter of his ho«t, (considering, perhaps, that the baronet was lukewarm towards the interests of the manufacturing clasnes,) suddenly slapped him on the back, and exclaimed, while he pointed to the portrait of little Miss Peel, "Ah! Sir Robert! that little darling might have been slaving in the factory you know; 'twas a narrow escape." The amazement of his disconcerted auditors may be easily conjectured.

Line Of Succession It was observed by a noble earl, an eminent upholder of

the Tory interest in one of the northern counties of England, that whenever he came out of his gateway, he was greeted by the earnest salutation of a withered crone, who had taken her station on the steps—" Long life to your lordship I—May your lordship live for ever." Astonished to find that, month after month, his gratuities produced no change in the wording of her apostrophe, Lord L. one day accosted her— "My good woman, you appear very earnest for the continuance of my days: have you any particular interest in my preservation ?"—" To be sure I have," ciied the old woman: "I recollect your uncle Sir James, when he owned the estate and ruled over us; and a bitterer enemy to the poor never broke bread. Then came your father, who was a still blacker curse to us; and every body said we could never be worse off. When you came to the estate, my lord, we found out our mistake; and what may come after you is a dreadful thing to think of!—Long life to your lordship!—May your lordship live for ever!"

WniG Underlings—Under the old system the effective force of jobbers on the establishment of this country increased to a prodigious amount. It was utterly impossible to give employment to the whole of them. Idlers belonging to this class were to be met in every corner, lounging about like " unattached officers," or the ancient Edinburgh functionary, "Wha wants me?" Even in the worst of days some of these superfluous rascals, just for the sake of keeping their hands in, joined the liberal party. The number of them who have taken service under it, since the accession of Earl Grey to office, is prodigious! and if honest people be not on their guard they will soon succeed in making the Whigs as bad as the Tories. Their caterwauling is heard'in every corner. Do the electors of any burgh dare to be dissatisfied with the candidate palmed upon them by Ministers? Does an independent candidate come forward at their call? He is instantly bespattered with abuse. In compliance with the urgent and reiterated request of a large body of the Bath electors, Mr. Hume recommended Mr. Roebuck to their notice; they being distrustful of a recent and dubious convert to liberal principles, notwithstanding he was delivered to them, free of expense, under a Treasury frank. The Times began to growl immediately j accusing, in no measured terms, Mr. Hume of seeking to divide the reform interest, in the face of a strong Tory force, for the purpose of getting a party in the House of Commons ready to support his " crotchets." Mr. Roebuck's committee addressed a letter to the Briarean journal, stating the real facts of the case, which was refused insertion, except as an advertisement. A communication from Mr. Hobhouse's friends, similar in every respect, except that of veracity, was ostentatiously stuffed into a " leading article." The Times has since eaten in its praise of Mr. Hobhouse; but has left unrepented, at least unconfessed, its rude and vulgar attack upon Messrs. Hume and Roebuck.* Again, two government proteges have started for Harwich, opposed by Mr. Herries. With one of the soi-disant liberal candidates, the inhabitants of that burgh were much and justly dissatisfied: and, at their request, Mr. Leader, son of the Irish patriot, offered his services. The Times was instantly at its dirty work again, and broadly accused Mr. Leader of having made a coalition with Mr. Herries. Upon a remonstrance being made, however, it softened down the charge to that of " a virtual coalition." Thus far The Times; next comes The Globe, " to the self-same tunc and words." "While we are disposed to express little in the way either of surprise or objection to a few individuals of ultra-radical pretensions being produced as candidates for some of the new manufacturing constituencies, it is with considerable regret that we ever witness that sort of intrusion into the struggle which tends so to vulgarize it, that any person, with a due share of self-respect, feels himself indisposed to the encounter. • • » • • On the whole, so far as present indications exist, we apprehend that much fewer Radicals, of the class which mag be regarded as entirely without the pale, will get into Parliament than people imagine. There may possibly be four or five Dromios of the Preston class instead of one or two, but that will be all; of the Hume school, possibly fifteen or twenty more; but our present conviction is, that the next Parliament will practically, and for the most part, assume the tone of liberal Whiggism, meaning thereby," &c- &c. &c. The which dismal ditty, when rightly interpreted, we take to be, among other things, an obscure and somewhat mystical prophecy of the ousting of Colonel Torrens from Bolton, by the exertions of Mr. Cobbett and his friends. Its main object is to follow up the personal onslaughts of The Times by a general charge; a plan of attack which does honour to the military talents of the editor of The Globe. To these "vituperative personalities" are added quant, suff. of .' laudatory personalities."-f- These "most sweet voices," whether they be the " forward voice, to speak well of his friend," or the " backward voice, to utter foul speeches, and to detract," have but one aim; to establish the present Ministry upon the tasis of a well-organized body of agents, who, diffused through the country, may, by their restless activity, give to the operations of a few the appearance of the will and deed of the many. They hope to natter the people by the persuasion, that what is merely passing before its eyes is its achievement, until the present excitement has subsided, and all things are quietly left to their management. They hope and trust, that our new constitution will soon become like everything the world has>

yet witnessed a machine worked by the few, and mainly for the interest of the few.

If there be wisdom among the electors they will laugh into nothingness these shallow pretences. They will choose a man of sense and principle, in preference to a brawling fool, of course, whatever be the professions of the latter: this point settled, they will choose even a party Whig in preference to a Tory; but a Liberal, free from all party connexions, in preference to either. In short, they will choose a man to represent themselves. A House of Commons thus elected will be a sufficient guard to Ministers against the machinations of an expiring faction, while by the check it lays on them by their knowledge of its character, it will form a guarantee for their honesty. Be it observed, that we attribute this plan, now concocting for our future subjugation, to the jobbers alone. Instinct has taught them, that success will place both governors and governed at their mercy. We have not the shadow of a ground for attributing to Lord Grey a knowledge of what is going forward. Indeed our fear is, that the people will not return a Parliament sufficiently decided to support the bolder and better spirits of the Ministry in that line of policy which is necessary for our national salvation. There is a noble generous spirit abroad, but a great want of precise and definite political knowledge.

The Times has been accused by The Examiner of denying all knowledge of Mr. Roebuck, whils, at least, one person identified with that paper knew him well. The Times persists in Its stomal. Tbii is one of the advantages of having three gentlemen in a firm, each of whom is entitled l '* we," when, in reality, he only means '? L"

t Vide " The Book of fallacies," p. 123 to p. 148, mclusite.



i. iii- \T BRITAIN.

The Church Is In Dancer. The dignitaries of the overgrown establishment of England, like the boy who cried wolves, in the fable, have raised this^clamour so often, that nobody will believe them, now that their words are sooth. We beg to add our unsuspected testimony to theirs. "The Church is in "danger;" and a brief recapitulation of the signs of the times will shew it. Imprimis, At tbe Hornby Reform Festival, celebrated on Tuesday, the 9th of October, the Hon. C. A. Pelham, M.P., thus expressed himself; —" I have had the satisfaction of informing you, upon excellent authority, whut are the measures which, it is the intention of his Majesty's ministers to introduce in the next session of Parliament. The Bill for Reform of the Church, I know is already prepared. (Tremendous cheers.) It is, therefore, not for me, if I am again returned as your representative, to say, before 1 go into the House, whether I shall support that bill or not: all that I can state at present, is, that Twill give it my best attention; and I will anxiously and deliberately form my judgment upon it. (Loud cheers.) At the same time, I believe, —at least, I have great hopes,—I shall be able to support it; because I do not conceive that the same ministers who would ^ive you Bo full, and efficient, and beneficial a measure of reform for the representation of the people, will so change their principles in so short a time, as to give you a mean and scanty measure of reform in the church. (Loud cheers.) I trust that this measure, like the one recently given, will be temperate and moderate, but amply efficient. (Continued cheering.") One great point, therefore, is established,— that ministers have a plan of church reform in petto. The next poiut is, to inquire " for what extent of church reform is the country ripe?" In so far as Ireland is concerned, this question has already been pretty loudly and intelligibly answered. Let us next look to England. First in the field, as in duty bound, is the native county of Hampden. On Saturday, the 7th of October, a stirring appeal to the Dissenters appeared in the Bucks' Gazette, which has since run the circle of almost every newspaper in the kingdom. It throws down the gauntlet. "Let us awake to a sense of that duty which devolves upon us as men and Christians. Let Ns wipe away that reproach which rests upon

us in a compromising support of tbe established hierarchy. Let us vindicate the cause of true religion and justice, which are injured and violated by its existence. We believe the church establishment to be founded in error, to be unjustly supported, and inefficient for the great purpose for which it exists. Let us act as men labouring under such impressions. Let us conduct ourselves as the correctors of error, as the opposers of injustice, and the determined foes of every inefficient monopoly, whether temporal or spiritual. Our separation from the established church, is a standing memorial of our dissent, an ever-abiding witness of our oppression; but we neutralize our dissent by a quiet and compromising payment of all ecclesiastical demands. We cast an imputation upon our sincerity, by continuing to support that practically, which we are ever theoretitically condemning. . . . We call upon you not to violate any law, not to embarrass the operations of our ministry, (our strength is in the prompt obeyancc of the law,) but we do call upon you to obey it; in such a manner, as shall shew your sense of its injustice, and your determination to cast off its yoke, while, so long as it contmut^*, you are willing to comply in one sense with its demand. The example of the Quakers is that which ice call upon you to imitate. They have been for the last fifty years at least, bearing a silent, but increasing testimony to the injustice of the claims of the clergy. If the whole body of the Dissenters had imitated their example from the first, we do not hesitate to say, that long ere this, the question would have been settled for ever." We call the county of Bucks first in the field; because from it has proceeded the first proposal for a general strike on the part of the Dissenters. Isolated individuals and communities had already, before the appearance of the appeal from which we nave ouoted, begun to act upon the principle in different parts of England. In the spring of the present year, a gentleman in the north of England allowed his furniture to he distrained and sold by auction, for his tithes, and embraced the occasion of the sale, to address to a numerous assembly, an exposition of the principles upon which he acted, and his resolution to adhere to them. An adjourned meeting of rate payers, held at Birmingham, on Tuesday, the *2d of October, has flatly refused to pay any rate. Mr Churchwarden Salt moved, that a rate of threepence be granted for the present year. Air Allan, seconded by Mr Bourne, moved, as an amendment,—" That, under all the circumstances of the case, the churchwardens having at present funds in hand, the vestry will not at present grant any rate j but that, if requested, a subscription be entered into, for the purpose of defraying all legal and proper expenses connected with the church." Mr Jo-eph Parkes proposed another amendment, —" That the rate be postponed; and that the churchwardens of the parish of Birmingham be requested to raise a pubiic subscription, to defray their current expenses; and in the meantime, the rate payers be recommended to petition the legislature in the first reformed Parliament, for a repeal of the laws which tax Dissenters for the maintenance of the established church." The rector, who was in the chair, refused to put this second amendment, and any more of the first than went simply to negative the original motion. The first amendment, thus curtailed, was put and carried: a rate is, therefore, ultimately refused. On Saturday, the 6th of October, the Bow Street magistrates, on the application of the officers of St Martins-in-the-rields, decided,—That the 10th of Geo. III. declaring that all rates must be made by " the churchwardens, overseers, vestrymen, constables, and other ancient inhabitants of the parish," did not mean that every inhabitant of the parish should have a vote; that the power of making rates was confined to those persons only who were the ancient inhahi'ants of the parish ; that the term " ancient," meant those persons who had either served some of the parochial offices named in the statute, or had suffered fine for not having so served. The parishioners have, in consequence of this decision, declared their resolution not to pay the rate. In a manly address, presented to Earl Grey by the Northern Political Union, this striking passage occurs:—"In this country, (which, availing itself of the great privilege of Protestantism, is proud of the right of private judgment, and regrets the dogmas of creeds and churches, and is crowded with Dissenters and Catholics,) the whole body of the people are doomed to the support of a church, whose adherents, compared with the whole mass of the population, are but few in number, if we count as adherents those only who believe in its doctrine, and approve of its discipline. No tax can be more monstrous, more unjust, more impolitic, than that which obliges any portion of the people to support in splendour and luxury the priests of a religion which they conscientiously reject. The whole country expects from the wisdom of a reformed Parliament the utter abolition of the tithe tax, which is not only a tax upon agricultural improvement, but an infringement of liberty of conscience." Turning from the advice of the Bucks' Gazette, the example of Northumberland, Birmingham, St Martins-in-the-Fields, and the representation for Newcastle, wc fin. declarations in

favour of church reform exacted from the candidates through the whole of England. Equally pregnant is the fact, that all the provincial newspapers, with a very few exceptions, advocate this cause. Even the cautious Scotsman, and the Times,which wasnever yet known to support any person or principle which it had not previously ascertained to be popular with an immense majority of the nation, are clamorous in the cause of church reform. But more important, as an index of the strength of popular feeling on this subject, than all besides, is the bustle and stirring among the clergy to spruce up their nests against the day of examination. The call for church reform has been raised within the walls of the church itself. Sorely to the annoyance of the Bishop of Durham, some of his clergy have been addressing hiui upon this topic. Nor is this determination to amend clerical abuses confined to England. Even iu Scotland, where church oppression is much less heavy, the same spirit is ueginning to awake. For upwards of a year have the inhabitants of Edinburgh been striving to reduce the established clergy to the incomes of their churches. At Mr Cobbett's late lectures, no passage was more rapturously applauded, than his sortie against the churcn or England. In Glasgow, a "Voluntary Churcn Association" has just been formed, including almost all the talent and respectability of the Dissenting interest in the West. A paper devoted to the church asserts, that in Scotland there are U50 petitions against a church establishment prepared, and ready to be showered upon the reformed Parliament, as soon as it meets. The truth is, that if the Dissenters of Great Britain do not strike in at this crisis, they deserve to be trampled upon for ever. The nucleus of their body,— the three great classes of Iudedendeuts, Bjptists and Congregationalists, have long been accustomed to act together. Let the Quakers, the Dissenting Methodists, the various Scottish Secession churches, and all the others, rally around them. Let them demand their rights as men and as Christians, to be put in every respect on a footing of equality with the numbers of the Churches of England and Scotland. Let them make a stand for Christian liberty. The spirit of Hampden, Vane, and Milton, is again abroad in the land. The consummation which they yearned after, is now attainable. The Church Is In Dangkr. Not that spiritual church, w the salt of the earth," without which it had lost its savour, that mystic union of all true believers, which is founded on a rock, "and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it," but that flimsy structure of man's device, which those who shew their disbelief in the divine origin of Christianity, in their attempts to prop it up by human inventions, seek to substitute in its place. Up, men, brethren! for our cause is holy. Up! follow the banner on which is inscribed,—** The lion of the tribe of Juduh hath overcome."

The Elections—There is every probability that the elections to the new Parliament will prove bungled jobs, in not a few instances. People are not accustomed to elect a legislative body, for the sole purpose of representing the opinions, wishes, and intelligence of the nation. They are still haunted with the old fully of ranging themselves into parties, and inquiring, not who is the best man? but, will ne strengthen our aide? The Tories, of course, are banding themselves, for the purpose of expending their last venom. The Whigs have an ugly trick of suspecting, or pretending to suspect, the intentions of every man, who aoes not believe in the infallibility of their leaders. The Radicals—under which convenient and comprehensive term, the ministerialists include all who do not belong to one or other of the old parties, thus classifying together men of the most widely diverging principles and character—sometimes seem inclined to yield too tamely to dictation, and at others shew a tendency to bristle up into opposition without good cause. The great object with all true patriots ought to be, the selection of men of sound and thoroughgoing principles, business habits and cool, but daring character. The times imperatively demand such men; but we fear, even the reformed Parliament will not be overstocked with them. In England, the Whigs will, in all probability, carry the day. The men most in request, seem members of aristocratic families, who profess liberal opinions. A frank manner, a fluent tongue, and fair general promises, seem to go far with John Bull. He rarely inquires regarding the stock of knowledge, or the fitness for transacting business, possessed by those who ask his vote. The jobbers are taking advantage of this, and working manfully, for the purpose of packing a Whig Parliament. Wherever a man of independent principles offers himself, he is sure to be assailed by the abuse of these creatures. By dint of good organization, unscrupulous chicane, and reckless concu-sion, the Tories have every prospect of mustering a tolerable minority. Mr Hume ond Mr Roebuck are, we trust, secure of Middlesex and Bath, notwithstanding the unprincipled opposition making to them. Lancashire will return a strong body of Radicals—Cobbett among the rest. Birmingham is the portion of the Union. Leeds and Manchester have thrown themselves into the arms of the liberal portion of the ministry. The Whigs are yielding to the universal demand foi the ballot, "with coy, reluctant, amorous delay;" and attachment to the cause of church reform, is professed by candidates of every colour. The Globe, in one of its wheedling articles, praises the Dissenters for selecting their representatives from among the adherents of the established church. If the Dissenters deserve this praise, they are greater blockheads than we take them to be. In ScotLand, the Whig interest will preponderate more decidedly than even in England. The concentration of all legal business iu Edinburgh, and the prominent part which the lawyers of that city have all along taken in

politics, have enabled the party to organize itself, and to spread its ramifications over the whole country. The Tory party is, if possible, still better drilled; and bad they not sinned themselves out of all respect, might have given their old adversaries a shrewd shake. With a few exceptions, the population of the country are inclined blindly to follow the leading of those who have fought their battles. There is a fine spirit among them, but a s:id lack of precise political knowledge. There seems also to be a sad lack of men fit to serve in Parliament, if we may judge by the characters of roost of the popular candidates. They will be returned partly because of the zeal and activity of their partisans, partly because there are no better men to be nad. Some exceptions there are. Edinburgh returns the Lord Advocate, out of gratitude for past services,—Mr Abercromby, because it likes him. In the Linlithgow district of burghs, Mr Gillon has met with such unprincipled and mean opposition, as was to be looked for, by a man of his independent principles, at the hands of an aristocratic family; and in the Wigton district, particularly in Stranraer, the efforts of the Galloway family to keep up a close-burgh system, axe of the most unblushing complexion. Lord Ormelie, we rejoice to sav, will be carried in for Perthshire on the shoulders of feuars and dissenters, in spite of the most oppressive and dishonest tricks resorted to in the hopes of foiling him. His adversaries' machinations have recoiled upon themselves, serving only to irritate the insulted electors; Dumfriesshire was threatened with Lord Stormont; but the younker found a storm was brewing, and wisely withdrew. The Dumfries burghs will fall to the most radical bidder. Mr Hannay speaks scholarly and wisely; but General Stiarpe more precisely, and to the point. Poor Sir John Malcolm has invoked the spirits of his ancestors; but they cannot aid him. Glasgow has no paramount leaders, and will return the man whom the real majority wish. The result of the election is quite uncertain; but if Mr Crawfurd be nut returned, our good friends of the West will have sadly stultified themselves. In Paisley, the contest lies between Sir John Maxwell and Mr Mackellar; but both are regarded as a pit-oiler. The eminent editor of the Examiner was sounded as to whether he would stand for this burgh; but declined, on account of his weak state of health. The electors of Paisley might do worse than lie by, till they learn with some certainty what Mr Hume's prospects in Middlesex are. It would be a feather in their cap to have him for a member. Mr Oswald is secure of Ayrshire, and deserves to be so, on account of the manly way in which he went to work. A strange crotchet has seized some of the Kilmarnock electorsTheir choice lies between a steady and consistent Whig and a young Lieutenant in the Guards, whose only public appearances, previous to the commencement of ins canvass, were at the last Ayrshire election, where he voted for the Tory candidate, and at a meeting

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